Political Identification and Perceptions of Homelessness: Attributed Causality and Attitudes on Public Policy

1997 ◽  
Vol 80 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 1139-1148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert J. Pellegrini ◽  
Sergio S. Queirolo ◽  
Victor E. Monarrez ◽  
Dona M. Valenzuela

The study investigated relationships between political orientation, causal perceptions of poverty, and attitudes toward government programs for the poor. The test sample of 200 women and 200 men were recruited from introductory psychology classes. In support of hypotheses based on previous research and Weiner's attribution-emotion-action theory, when compared with self-identified Democrats, self-identified Republicans (a) were significantly more inclined to attribute homelessness to internal vs external factors and (b) expressed significantly less favorable attitudes toward publically funded programs for the homeless. Sex differences were nonsignificant. Conceptual-empirical and methodological implications are discussed. Limitations on inferences from these data and directions for inquiry into the development of individual differences in political cognitions and public policy attitudes are considered.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
JAE YOUNG LIM ◽  
KUK-KYOUNG MOON

Abstract Despite the importance of public transport for urban vitality, social equity, and mobility, the discussions surrounding these topics have become heated ideological battles between liberals and conservatives in the United States, as in other countries. Conservatives, in particular, have exhibited anti-transit attitudes that have worked against the development of public transport. Scholars note that political trust functions as a heuristic and its impact is felt more strongly among individuals who face ideological risks with respect to a given public policy. Based on several studies noting the relationships between political trust, ideology and policy attitudes, the study employs the pooled data of the 2010 and 2014 General Social Surveys. It finds that conservatives are negatively associated with supporting spending on public transport, but when contingent upon high levels of political trust, they become more supportive of it. The study discusses the potential of political trust as a mechanism to influence public policy discourses as well as certain methodological and substantive limitations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Katarina Pitasse Fragoso

Over the last few years, there has been an increase in discussions advocating in-cash programmes as a way to alleviate poverty. Indeed, this represents a leap forward in comparison to in-kind programmes. However, little progress, at least in developing countries, has been achieved in answering the question of how the state should transfer the means of redressing deprivation to those who are living in poverty. This article addresses this issue by challenging anti-poverty programmes through a social-egalitarian framework. My main argument starts from the perspective that in-cash transfers are a necessary but not sufficient mechanism for poverty alleviation. I acknowledge that cash alone does not guarantee the poor an equally active role in influencing the public-policy decisions that affect their lives. I then suggest a participatory device to complement the cash-transfer proposal in order to give institutional opportunities to the poor to decide, together with practitioners, what should be done at the level of local public services.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marius Warg Næss ◽  
Bård-Jørgen Bårdsen

Social inequality is pervasive in contemporary human societies. Nevertheless, there is a view that livestock, as the primary source of wealth, limits the development of inequalities, making pastoralism unable to support complex or hierarchical organisations. Thus, complex nomadic pastoral organisation is predominantly caused by external factors, i.e., historically nomadic political organisation mirrored the neighbouring sedentary population's sophistication. Using governmental statistics on reindeer herding in Norway (2001 - 2018), this study demonstrates nothing apparent in the pastoral adaptation with livestock as the main base of wealth that level wealth inequalities and limits social differentiation. This study found that inequality was generally decreasing in terms of the Gini coefficient and cumulative wealth. For example, the proportion owned by the wealthy decreased from 2001 to 2018, while the proportion owned by the poor increased. Nevertheless, rank differences persist over time with minor changes. Especially, being poor is stable: around 50% of households ranked as poor in 2001 continued to be so in 2018. In sum, results from this study indicate that pastoral wealth inequality follows the same patterns as all forms of wealth. Wealth accumulates over time, and because the highest earners can save much of their income (i.e., newborn livestock), low earners cannot. High earners can thus accumulate more and more wealth over time, leading to considerable wealth inequalities.


Author(s):  
John Tomasi

This chapter examines what it calls “social justicitis”—a strongly negative, even allergic, reaction to the ideal of social or distributive justice. Social justicitis is a malady from which many defenders of private economic liberty suffer. For libertarians, arguments on behalf of social justice may be as threatening as a bee sting is to some people. In the case of classical liberals, social justicitis arises as an adverse reaction to talk about social justice at the level of public policy. The chapter first considers the notion of distributional adequacy condition from the perspective of classical liberalism and libertarianism before discussing the arguments of classical liberals and libertarians regarding property and the poor. It also explores F. A. Hayek's critique of social justice and the implications of his theory of spontaneous order with respect to distributional ideals.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 340-341
Author(s):  
Alfred Yankauer

Dr. Yankauer wrote: Dr. Marks' point is moot. It has been raised previously in a Pediatrics Commentary. At about the same time a New England practitioner complained that private practice was being ignored in government programs. The question of whether young men finishing their residencies will "go where they are needed" can only be answered by time. The problem is that they are needed just about everywhere (by the rich as well as the poor) because of mounting manpower shortages.3 It is worth mentioning that in urban areas outside of the large cities, where money does not lead to such sharply segregated residential districts and hospital out-patient departments are underdeveloped, practicing pediatricians are virtually the only source of health care.


Author(s):  
Samantha A. Shave

The first half of this chapter examines the implications of these findings for our understandings of several areas of the poor laws: local ideas and policy transfer, national legislation and policy-making. The second half of the conclusion focuses on the influences upon the development of the poor laws. It examines the role of stakeholders and key actors, each with distinct roles in the policy process across both the old and New Poor Law eras. The chapter finishes by discussing more broadly how the policy process approach can be applied to understand reform and innovation in the broader field of social and public policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (7) ◽  
pp. 848-857 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jordan R. Axt ◽  
Mark J. Landau ◽  
Aaron C. Kay

The term fake news is increasingly used to discredit information from reputable news organizations. We tested the possibility that fake-news claims are appealing because they satisfy the need to see the world as structured. Believing that news organizations are involved in an orchestrated disinformation campaign implies a more orderly world than believing that the news is prone to random errors. Across six studies ( N > 2,800), individuals with dispositionally high or situationally increased need for structure were more likely to attribute contested news stories to intentional deception than to journalistic incompetence. The effect persisted for stories that were ideologically consistent and ideologically inconsistent and after analyses controlled for strength of political identification. Political orientation showed a moderating effect; specifically, the link between need for structure and belief in intentional deception was stronger for Republican participants than for Democratic participants. This work helps to identify when, why, and for whom fake-news claims are persuasive.


Author(s):  
Akif Argun Akdoğan

This chapter seeks to explain the poor performance of public policy tools in Turkey through strategic planning and performance auditing utilising the “boomerang effect” concept mainly used in communication studies. For this analysis the study follows the steps of the heuristic public policy cycle model. After clarifying the transfer process of strategic planning and performance auditing to the Turkish administrative system, the study focuses on the implementation of these policy tools. Demonstrating the poor performance of these tools with reference to some empirical studies, the chapter discusses four reasons of non-implementation of policy tools, namely the exposure of political power to public scrutiny, Turkish administrative culture, lack of domestic contribution and the leverage power of international and regional organizations.


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