scholarly journals U.S.-UK FTA Negotiations: A Primer on Labor Agenda

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald C. Brown

AbstractWith Brexit completed and the UK's conditions of separation from the EU pending, there is some anticipation for a U.S.-UK FTA. But then there is the Pandemic and the unpredictable variables of Donald Trump and Boris Johnson, and the influence of the residual binding obligations of the UK-EU separation agreement and possible UK-EU FTA, which may cause some pause. Identifying the negotiating agenda of the labor issues may flow easily from each country's recent FTAs – USMCA and UK's obligations under CETA. With that likely agenda, a comparison can be made between each country's current labor laws on these issues to identify possible emerging areas needing further attention. Lingering in the background is the potential U.S.-EU FTA (TTIP) which will set standards and obligations for the UK which can be relevant to the UK FTAs with the U.S. and the EU. This is followed with analysis as to likely outcomes on these labor issues and the U.S.-UK FTA. Although the future cannot be predicted, it can be prepared for.

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
David Bender ◽  
Joseph Jones ◽  
Mark Young ◽  
Hendrike Wulfert-Markert

2020 ◽  
pp. 002201832097753
Author(s):  
Gemma Davies ◽  
Paul Arnell

The Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom have a long, close and difficult history. The most recent phase of which dates from 1998 and the conclusion of the Good Friday Agreement. Since 1921, however, there has been unique practice between Ireland and the UK as regards the transfer of accused and convicted persons from one to the other. Indeed, there has been a special and close relationship between the two in that regard; albeit one not without difficulties. In recent times EU Justice and Home Affairs measures and the Good Friday Agreement have supplemented and strengthened the relationship. These include, since January 2004, the European Arrest Warrant (EAW). The EAW has been particularly important in streamlining the extradition process between the Ireland and the UK. This phase of history and co-operation is coming to an end. The UK’s membership of the EU has now ceased, and a transition period during which the UK remains part of the EAW will end on 31st December 2020. The extradition relationship between the two is therefore facing a considerable challenge. There are several options open to Ireland, the UK and the EU as a replacement. Time, political will and the interests of third states, however, may well stand in the way of the conclusion of an agreement that optimally serves the interests of all parties and criminal justice. This paper considers the origins of extradition between the UK and Ireland and the alternative methods of extradition open to the UK and Ireland after Brexit. Consideration is given to the likely operation of a Norway-Iceland style agreement and whether such an agreement will be in place by the end of the transition and, if it was, whether its terms are likely to be sufficient for the needs of Ireland and the UK. The possibility of a bilateral arrangement on extradition between Ireland and the UK is also explored. Underlying the discussion is the critical point that the future extradition relationship must retain its ‘special’ characteristics, and therefore maintain the trust and good will that has developed over the years and given rise to an effective extradition relationship between the two countries. In other words, the lessons of history must be remembered.


Author(s):  
Michael Dougan

Following a national referendum on 23 June 2016, the UK announced its intention to end its decades-long membership of the EU. That decision initiated a process of complex negotiations, governed by Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union, with a view to making the arrangements required for an ‘orderly Brexit’. This book explores the UK’s departure from the EU from a legal perspective. As well as analysing the various constitutional principles relevant to ‘EU withdrawal law’, and detailing the main issues and problems arising during the Brexit process itself, the book provides a critical analysis of the final EU–UK Withdrawal Agreement—including dedicated chapters on the future protection of citizens’ rights, the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland, and the prospects for future EU–UK relations in fields such as trade and security.


Author(s):  
Federico Fabbrini

This chapter analyses the European Union during Brexit, explaining how the EU institutions and Member States reacted to the UK’s decision to leave the EU. It outlines how they went about this in the course of the withdrawal negotiations. The EU institutions and Member States managed to adopt a very united stance vis-à-vis a withdrawing state, establishing effective institutional mechanisms and succeeding in imposing their strategic preferences in the negotiations with the UK. Nevertheless, the EU was also absorbed during Brexit by internal preparations to face both the scenario of a ‘hard Brexit’—the UK leaving the EU with no deal—and of a ‘no Brexit’—with the UK subsequently delaying exit and extending its EU membership. Finally, during Brexit the EU increasingly started working as a union of 27 Member States—the EU27—which in this format opened a debate on the future of Europe and developed new policy initiatives, especially in the field of defence and military cooperation.


2007 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-14
Author(s):  
L Williams

The surgical training system in the UK has long been considered to be of a very high standard. However, it is currently under threat from many changes. To assure the quality of the future surgical consultant workforce we have moved away from apprentice-type training towards more ordered education. Although the reduction in hours and years will mean less overall experience there is a genuine belief that improved education and assessment can compensate. It says much for our island mentality that although we belong to the EU we consider European surgical training to be distinct from our own.


ERA Forum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 655-665
Author(s):  
Colin T. Reid

AbstractThe UK’s withdrawal from the EU will not bring about immediate changes to the substance of environmental law in the UK, but that law will become easier to change. The future position is complicated by devolution within the UK, where differing policy objectives on continuing alignment with the EU and weaknesses in the inter-governmental structures are causing problems. Environmental principles are being given legal recognition and new structures for environmental governance being created for each nation. These include environmental watchdogs that go some of the way to making up for the loss of the oversight provided by the EU institutions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 219-225
Author(s):  
Colin T. Reid

During the UK’s membership of the EU, the EU structures have provided a degree of external oversight, ensuring that environmental obligations are fulfilled. To fill the gaps left by the removal of these structures, the different parts of the UK are currently developing their own proposals for environmental principles and governance, which are briefly outlined. The different national schemes adopt different approaches and have to fit into different legal and policy backgrounds. Although collaboration is desirable it seems unlikely to be achieved, if only because of the different timescales for turning proposals into action. Progress with the different national schemes may be disrupted by the need to meet any commitments made by the UK government in international agreements. These agreements may include environmental provisions, and the “Backstop” to the Withdrawal Agreement between the UK and the EU contains substantial commitments on environmental governance. Some firm suggestions are made for enhancing future collaboration.


elni Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 11-16
Author(s):  
Céline Charveriat ◽  
Andrew Farmer

Brexit is an unprecedented event for the EU. No Member State has ever left the Union previously. At most, overseas territories with small populations have changed status, such as Greenland (Denmark) in 1985 and the Outermost Region Saint Barthélemy (France), which became an Overseas Country and Territory (OCT) in 2012. These cases may have limited lessons for the UK adapting its legislation post-Brexit, as they did not impact EU decision making and law and, therefore, are not precedents for the subject of this paper. There has been quite a lot of analysis on the possible consequences of Brexit for the future of UK environmental law. However, less attention has been given to the implications Brexit may have for the future of EU environmental law and policy. This paper presents some thoughts on this subject. It begins with a consideration of the impact of Brexit on the general political and economic atmosphere of EU environmental policy making. The paper then considers the issues of trade and the external border. Some specific policy areas are examined, including chemicals, climate policy and agriculture. The paper ends by considering the implications of a possible future dispute mechanism with the UK.


Subject UK foreign policy. Significance Last week the EU and United Kingdom published their negotiating objectives for the future relationship. The European Commission’s negotiating mandate largely reflects the Political Declaration, including a desire for close formal cooperation in defence, security and foreign policy. The United Kingdom’s objectives indicate that it wants less formal cooperation as it seeks to de-institutionalise its relationship with the bloc. Impacts The economic impact of Brexit could cut the size of the UK defence budget, which has already fallen more than 10% in real terms since 2010. The absence of formal channels of EU-UK cooperation and coordination could result in a weakening of the EU’s sanctions regime on Russia.  The re-election of US President Donald Trump would herald a further four years of transatlantic tensions.


Author(s):  
Ananieva Elena

Prime Minister T. May has put forward the concept of "Global Britain". After the United Kingdom had left the EU, the concept was formalized under the government of Boris Johnson in the document “Integrated Review of Security, Defense, Development and Foreign Policy "Global Britain in a Competitive Age"”. The article presents an analysis of its goals, methods and practical implementation. Britain, realizing itself as a "middle power", intends to build a system of alliances to counter China and Russia, the latter designated as an ”acute direct threat” to the UK.


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