scholarly journals Bioeconomy’s sectors and strategies in Central and Eastern European countries. A literature review

Author(s):  
Mugur Victor Constantin Iureş

AbstractThis paper aims to identify and review the most important and topical scientific papers that deal with the strategies that the countries of Central and Eastern Europe apply in the bioeconomic field. In the context of a special attention paid to this sector by the policymakers, seen through the adoption of The Bioeconomy Strategy, in 2012, by the European Union and updated in 2018, it is natural to ask what is the current state of knowledge in this field? This paper treats with the sectors enclosed in this field, from agriculture to biofuels and from paper production to biopharmaceuticals, based on the scientific literature underpinnings, given that this development sector is an emerging one and the ampleness of the scientific works being limited. The methodology of this paper comprises the literature review of the main results obtained this far, in order to accomplish the foundation for further research.

2019 ◽  
pp. 108-128
Author(s):  
Mitchell A. Orenstein

While many thought that the eleven Central and Eastern European countries that exited communism and joined the European Union in the 2000s had made an irrevocable “civilizational choice,” Russia has sought to extend its influence into this unexpected new battleground. Though Russia has fewer tools of influence than in the lands in between, it has used energy politics, disinformation, support for extremist parties, business relations, and a variety of covert methods to cause Central and Eastern European governments and politicians to re-evaluate their allegiances. Central and Eastern European countries have experienced growing extremism, increasing polarization, and the rise of cynical power brokers who wish to accommodate Moscow, while also benefiting from EU ties and funds. Political leaders such as Viktor Orbán of Hungary have blazed this path, making gas and energy deals with Russia while undermining democratic politics at home and challenging the European Union from within.


2010 ◽  
Vol 09 (02) ◽  
pp. 161-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Jelavic ◽  
Kristie Ogilvie

This research discusses the SECI Model of Knowledge Conversion as it relates to the 10 Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs) that are now part of the European Union (EU). The socio-economic conversion from socialism to capitalism of these societies is unique in historical precedence, whereby utilising the contextual models in knowledge conversion are applicable for understanding the implications of such a phenomenon. The results indicate that there is a unique set of variables that need to be considered within this context and for future similar situations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 69-84
Author(s):  
Csilla Polster

The study investigates the economic growth in Central and Eastern Europe in the last 25 years. The economy can be regarded as a substantial topic in any country, but it is even more interesting in developing countries. One of the basic ideas of the European Union is the convergence between member states, namely the reduction of development disparities, which can be achieved through faster economic growth in less‑developed countries. Growth theory is one of the main topics in economics. Its significant importance is because the desire for development is one of the main driving forces of mankind. The aim of the study is to reveal the crucial differences and common features between the growth paths of the eleven Central and Eastern European member states of the European Union. After presenting growth theories, the growth performance of the examined Central and Eastern European member states is pinpointed. During the research, GDP per capita, population, migration, activity rate, employment rate, unemployment rate, foreign direct investment and foreign trade openness are considered.


2015 ◽  
pp. 103-134
Author(s):  
Ioan Horga ◽  
Ana Maria Costea Ghimis

During the accession process and after they became members of the European Union, the Central and Eastern states went through a process of decentralization that emphasized the local and the regional level. Although the process was not complete, after the financial crisis erupted, these states began to develop a centrifugal behaviour are started a recentralization process that decreased the competences of local and regional authorities. The present article argues that undeniably the European Commission through its regional policy has been an important driving force regarding the process of territorial decentralisation in Central and Eastern European countries. However, this influence has generated different outcomes, given its lack of clear perspective and competences.http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-6336_12_7


2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benedetto Saraceno ◽  
Shekhar Saxena

SummaryAims – This paper attempts to examine the current state of mental health services in Central and Eastern Europe. Methods – Selected review of available literature has been done with emphasis on information complied by World Health Organization (WHO). Results – The magnitude and burden of mental disorders is high in Europe, the mental health services are inadequate in most Central and Eastern European countries and human rights situation is unsatisfactory. However, there are some positive recent developments worth noting. These include increased attention to human rights, cooperation and collaboration at subregional level and emergence of family and consumer associations. Conclusions – A concerted and systematic attempt needs to be made to respond to the challenge of providing adequate and human rights-based mental health services in Central and Eastern European countries. The framework developed by WHO can assist the countries in their initiatives aimed at improving mental health systems.Declaration of Interest: none


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 197-221
Author(s):  
Inese Druviete ◽  
Jūlija Jerņeva ◽  
Aravamudhan Ulaganathan Ravindran

The article looks primarily at the material comprised in the volume edited by A. Piszcz, Implementation of the EU Damages Directive in Central and Eastern European Countries published in 2017 and based on that compares aspects of the disclosure of evidence issue in Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia. The purpose of this article is to look into how the process for the disclosure of evidence has evolved in eleven countries of the European Union in light of Directive 2014/104/EU. The article looks at six key issues with regard to disclosure of evidence in light of Directive 2014/104/EU: general procedural issues; procedure for the submission of evidence; criteria for the disclosure of evidence; restrictions on the disclosure of evidence; disclosure of evidence by parties other than the defendant; and consequences of the failure to comply with a request to submit evidence. The article relies on primary data from eleven EU countries from Central and Eastern Europe.


Author(s):  
O.V. Timofeeva

In recent decades, Central and Eastern Europe has been paying close attention to the construction of its own identity. Even for Poland, identification through belonging to the Catholic faith is no longer sufficient. Quite often, we can observe a model of defining own identity through dissociation from the other. In this context, the agenda on the migration issue becomes most relevant. The most acute reaction to the migration crisis is in Hungary, which, represented by Fidesz and Orban, is set to preserve its national, cultural and religious identity. The Visegrad Group, created with the aim of joint movement of Central and Eastern European countries to the European Union, after a decade from the moment of accession, by joint efforts, jointly contradicts the decisions of the European Union from the standpoint of preserving European and national values in the face of the influx of representatives of alien cultures. Hungary is demonstrating its readiness for a conflict with the EU for the sake of the national issue and its own position. Poland, following Hungary, demonstrates anti-emigrant rhetoric through the mouths of the leaders of the ruling "Law and Justice" since 2015. The solidarity rejection of the global pact in 2018 also indicates that the rhetoric of the defense of national identity from arriving foreign migrants prevailed in Eastern Europe. Poland, actively attracting labor migrants, prefers those who are close in culture and language. The attraction of compatriots is being adopted by such representatives of the region as Poland, Hungary, Romania. As a result, the author notes that the most significant for the Eastern European region of recent years is the desire to emphasize its own national identity by dissociating itself from foreign migrants and at the same time from the Western European community.


2019 ◽  
pp. 101-106
Author(s):  
Leonid GUSEV

It is necessary to specify that as a result of the (unification?) of Germany in 1990, its eastern frontier directly bordered with a number of former communist states. Since the beginning of the 90 years of cooperation with these states one of Germany’s main tasks became rendering aid to them in carrying out reforms. Germany, being one of leaders of the EU was interested in involvement of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the European market and in receiving benefits from this cooperation, besides; in the political sphere it was important to create a common and stable Europe. One can add that stability and safety in Europe was connected with EU expansion to the East. This article also analyzes how in recent years Germany has been influencing the countries of Central and Eastern Europe; demonstrating that Germany cooperated with countries of Eastern Europe not only within the European Union, but also in a bilateral format since for Germany, entry of the countries of the Central and Eastern European countries into the EU into EU was communicated with the realization of a complex of social, economic and political interests with the Visegrád group.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2(13)/2019 (2(13)/2019) ◽  
pp. 45-61
Author(s):  
Wiktor MOŻGIN MOŻGIN

Today, Europe is a very dynamic area in which various processes of political, economic, military, and socio-cultural nature occur. One of these processes concerns the establishment in 2015 of the Three Seas Initiative, integrating the area of the countries that joined the European Community after 2004 with one exception, which is Austria, which belongs to the group of the so-called ‘Old Union’. The emergence of a new structure within the European Union has been negated from the very beginning by the most important entities in Europe and beyond because the Russian Federation also did not approve the establishment of the Three Seas Initiative, perceiving it as a direct threat to the implementation of its neo-imperial policy in Central and Eastern Europe. Nevertheless, the establishment of the Three Seas initiative was dictated by many factors of historical, political, economic, and military nature. This article presents the issues related to the process of shaping the subjectivity of Central and Eastern European countries in the context of contemporary challenges caused by the economic crisis and the potential danger of the Russian Federation, which aims is to destabilize this region and pull it back into its sphere of influence. The role which played the Three Seas Initiative within the European Union is an issue that requires constructive analysis. This is possible by indicating the main reasons for establishing this structure and international processes that are implications of its functioning.


2019 ◽  
pp. 647-654
Author(s):  
Viktor Konstantynov

The article examines China’s policy in Eastern Europe within the framework of the ‘Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)’. The level of Ukraine’s involvement in the cooperation within the framework of this initiative and China’s policy in general is analyzed. It is stressed that in recent years, the ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative is not only economic but also political and security project of China. The main purpose of the initiative is to consolidate the role of Beijing as one of the leaders in the modern world. It is noted that Europe is becoming increasingly important in China’s foreign policy. How-ever, in this region, it cannot use the usual strategy of wielding its influence, worked out in Asia and Africa. Therefore, Central and Eastern Europe, new EU members and candidate countries are considered as objects for spreading Chinese influence in the Old World. The article identifies the principal reasons for Beijing’s particular attention to Central and Eastern Europe. The main one is the relative weakness of state and political institutions and their vulnerability to financial and political instruments of the spread of Chinese influence. Also, the importance of the European Union as a market for Chinese goods continues to grow, therefore making the transit through the territory of the Eastern European countries increasingly important for Beijing. The significance of the ‘16+1’ format on the formation of a specific role of China in the region is considered. It is argued that the formal ground of the absence of Ukraine in the Chinese strategy in Central and Eastern Europe is that our state is not involved in the ‘16+1’ format. However, bilateral relations with Ukraine do not differ from those with Central and Eastern European countries. An important factor is the lack of Ukraine’s influence on political decisions of the EU, which is the main criterion for China. This accounts for the insufficient level of Ukraine’s involvement in the cooperation within the framework of the ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative. Keywords: ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative, the People’s Republic of China, Eastern Europe, European Union, Ukraine, politics.


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