Corruption between public and private moralities: The Albanian case in a comparative perspective

Human Affairs ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giuliana Prato

AbstractThis essay draws on comparative ethnographic material from Albania and Italy. It addresses different forms of corruption, arguing that in order to understand the way in which phenomena such as corruption occur and are experienced in any given society, we should contextualize them in the historical and cultural traditions of that specific society. In doing so, however, we should be alert in avoiding falling into the trap of either moral relativism or cultural determinism. The essay suggests that an anthropological analysis of corruption should distinguish between legal rules and social norms. In particular, the empirical study of such norms helps to understand the meanings—both individual and inter-subjective—that actors give to the social and political situation in which they operate.

Author(s):  
Robert Stern

This chapter covers Chapters 3 and 4 of The Ethical Demand. In these chapters, Løgstrup adds to his characterization of the demand by claiming that it is ‘radical’. He explains this radicality in terms of various further key features, including the way it may intrude on our lives and pick us out as individuals, while even the enemy is included in the requirement on us to care. At the same time, Løgstrup argues that we do not have the right to make the demand, while also denying that it is ‘limitless’. The features of the demand that make it radical distinguish it from the social norms, while the unconditional and absolute nature of the demand contrasts with the variable character of such norms, a contrast which he uses to respond to the challenge of relativism.


Al-Burz ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-85
Author(s):  
Ghamkhawar Hayat ◽  
Muhammad Yousaf Mengal ◽  
Muhammad Akram Rakhshani

This research article shows the way of expression and style, where socio cultural, economical changes accrued. The rhyme, saying verses, and poetry describe, the social norms of a society in this regard Brahui poetry has strong feathers. Brahui poetry represents the thoughts, feelings and psychology of people, especially epics reflects the norms, un-restless and sadness of society. Mulla Mazar Baduzai, Babu Abdul Rehman Kurd, and Nadir Kambarani has played vital role while in shape of epics and revolutionary poetry.


Author(s):  
Elżbieta Gaweł-Luty ◽  

Social structures include specific entities marked by both institutionalized social norms and by their own individual reflections on their role in society. Social structures are not a permanent phenomenon, because society is constantly restructuring itself. The basis of a social order is the standardization of the actions of individuals, when these activities are subject to typification, institutionalism is created. Thus, institutions define requirements for the way people function in the social space. Individuals also undertake professional roles with existing social structures, the performance of which is likewise determined by social norms.For the proper functioning of society, therefore, social and professional identities of individuals and of groups are both needed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (1 (460)) ◽  
pp. 181-192
Author(s):  
Wacław Forajter

In the article, Pierre Bourdieu’s “habitus” theory is employed to discuss Henryk Sienkiewicz’s hunting practices. Particular attention is devoted to the way the writer defines the concept of “masculinity” and its relationships with hunting skills. The author also points to the compensatory nature of this type of practices in the context of the nineteenth-century transformations of the social structure, the Polish political situation and the biography of the author of With Fire and Sword.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
John Gillespie

As conventionally understood, anti-corruption programs rely on legal rules to define and control the abuse of official power for private gain. This study explores the limits to law-based standards of corruption where state officials obscure bribery and the abuse of power beneath a veneer of legality. Drawing on an empirical study of two public-private partnerships (PPPs) in Vietnam, it asks whether the failure of anti-corruption laws to curb malfeasance in PPPs is attributable to insufficient enforcement, to targeting the wrong behavior, or to both of these issues. It argues that if anti-corruption laws are blind to the opportunistic manipulation of laws in PPPs, then we must consider other ways of conceptualizing and controlling corruption. This argument links the way in which corruption is conceptualized to the efficacy of policy instruments used to curb corruption in PPPs. In particular, it examines whether public interest corruption provides a framework that makes malfeasance in PPPs visible and thus offers a mechanism for holding officials accountable. This study concludes that public interest corruption broadens the analysis of corruption in PPPs from transgressions of legal boundaries to an examination of public inclusion and exclusion from decision making.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominik Antonowicz ◽  
Honorata Jakubowska ◽  
Radosław Kossakowski

Since the 1990s there has been a growing number of female supporters following football clubs and there is little doubt that they have recently become an important part of the audience for both football authorities and clubs. The process of football’s feminisation is neither simple nor is it taking place in a social vacuum, and female fans are encountering well-institutionalised football fandom culture, which is deeply entrenched in stadium rituals. This paper offers an empirical study of roles assigned to women in football fandom culture and the way in which this has been done in order reproduce a “traditional” social order on the Polish football stands. In doing so, it examines the grass-roots ultras’ magazine To My Kibice (We are the fans) that belongs to an increasingly popular type of fan magazine, which was developed from popular homemade football fanzines in the 1980s. The analyses provide evidence that female supporters are either marginalised (not being counted as regular fans), patronised or instrumentalised by their male peers. These strategies are visible both in language and in the social contexts in which women on the stands are described.


2017 ◽  
Vol 42 (01) ◽  
pp. 60-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janice Nadler

To understand how law works outside of sanctions or direct coercion, we must first appreciate that law does not generally influence individual behavior in a vacuum, devoid of social context. Instead, the way in which people interact with law is usually mediated by group life. In contrast to the instrumental view that assumes law operates on autonomous individuals by providing a set of incentives, the social groups view holds that a person's attitude and behavior regarding any given demand of law are generally products of the interaction of law, social influence, and motivational goals that are shaped by that person's commitments to specific in-groups. Law can work expressively, not so much by shaping independent individual attitudes as by shaping group values and norms, which in turn influence individual attitudes. In short, the way in which people interact with law is mediated by group life.


2020 ◽  
pp. 56-89
Author(s):  
K. E. Løgstrup

This chapter continues the discussion of the relation between the ethical demand and social norms. It considers the changeability of such norms, focusing on the cases of the norms governing sex, love, and marriage, the relation between political authority and citizens, and between society and the church and religion. The final section asks whether, given the historical variability in the nature of such norms, there is a worry of moral relativism. In response, it is argued that even if our social norms can vary, the ethical demand itself cannot, as what remains constant is the wrongness of exploiting the vulnerability of others for our own good: it is just that in different societies, such exploitation can take different forms, so that the norms protecting us from such vulnerability to others can vary.


Author(s):  
Lucien Jaume

In the counterrevolutionary school, it remained an article of faith from the time of the Directory to the end of the nineteenth century that individualism is destructive of the social bond, that it is impossible to create a society from individual atoms. This chapter argues that Tocqueville did not believe that one could simply say that individualism destroys the social bond. Although he conceded the point to a certain extent, he was also impressed by the way in which individualistic Americans joined together to form associations, linking their particular interests to the general interest and ultimately creating a society with sovereignty of the people. In contrast to Bonald (who argued that democratic republics are not “constituted”) and de Maistre (who held that a democratic republic is a society without sovereignty and therefore without solidity), Tocqueville thus recognized that society could be constituted in new ways: associations linking public and private, forms of life created by decentralization, avowed or implicit religions, and so forth. But he aimed his criticism primarily at an idea that de Maistre had made famous: “the generative principle (principe générateur) of political constitutions.”


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