scholarly journals The Role of Great Britain in Forming of EU’s Foreign and Security Policy in the Context of Leading Theories of Eurointegration

Author(s):  
A. V. Groubinko

In the article on the basis of the original chart of the theoretical conceptual system of Eurointegration's development offered by an author base principles of Great Britain's participation in common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union are examined. The country’s role in the processes of forming EU's CFSP is determined in the context of leading theories of Eurointegration. The evolution of British government's policy participation in the system of political co-operation in the European Union, character of its influence on the processes of Eurointegration in the sphere of foreign and security policies are analysed. CFSP as a specific sphere of co-operation of the EU's states fully represents conceptual dichotomy of European Union essence at level «intergovernmental - supranational». CFSP is the segment of the EU's legal reality which is historically based on intergovernmental co-operation, and in modern terms characterized by the expressed elements of funcional supranational institucialisation and insignificant strengthening of federalism. Great Britain conceptual approaches to forming EU's CFSP lie traditions of pragmatical and functional realistic approach with the elements of federalist co-operation, externalism and minimum of institucialism. For activity of British governments is inherent pistorical heredity of participating in political integration within the framework of Common Europe. It's mean a successive policy of inhibition federalist supranational tendencies, propagandas of the evolutional going to development of integration processes and it distribution on new spheres. Such approaches are correspond to the model of selective-sectoral integration or «Europe a la carte» ofThatcherist standards, which in the process of realization under influence of objective (mainly external) factors evolved to practical embodiment of such more soft models of flexible integration, as «multi-speed integration» and «Europe of variable geometries». The noted approaches to CFSP allow government on the different historical stages to have retentive or stimulant influence on the integrational processes.

2020 ◽  
pp. 80-86
Author(s):  
Ivanna Maryniv

Problem setting. In spite of the presence of numerous conventions, treaties and organizations in the world today, the issue of security is still a very acute issue for the world community. There are many reasons for this: the presence of nuclear powers, serious disputes between countries that are justly considered world leaders, the existence of numerous local conflicts and wars of a more global nature across the globe. These and other factors are pushing states around the world to allocate budget funds to ensure effective security policies. Given today’s realities, one can trace the tendency of several countries to pool their own efforts and resources to pursue a common security policy. The European Union is one of the clearest examples of this behavior. This intergovernmental organization is committed to maintaining peace, diplomacy, trade and development around the world. The EU also promotes cooperation with neighboring countries through the European Neighborhood Policy. Target research. The aim of the research is to study the role of the European Union’s institutional mechanism in the exercise of its powers to ensure the defense and foreign policy cooperation of the Member States. Analysis of recent research and publication. Many domestic and foreign scholars, including B. Tonro, T. Christiansen, S. Morsch, G. Mackenstein, and others. The institutional basis of foreign and security policy is analyzed in detail by J. Peterson, questions related to the European Union’s security policy. M. Shackleton. K. Gill, M. Smith and others study the general features of the development of a common EU security policy. Some contribution to the study of various problems related to European and Euro-Atlantic integration has been made by such national scientists as V. Govorukh, I. Gritsyak, G. Nemyrya, L. Prokopenko, O. Rudik, V. Streltsov, O. Tragniuk, I. Shumlyaeva, I. Yakovyuk and others. Article’s main body. The article examines the emergence and development of the European Union’s security policy from the date of the Brussels Covenant to the present. Particular attention is paid to the role of the European Union’s institutional mechanism in the exercise of its powers to ensure the defense and foreign policy cooperation of the Member States. A study of the officially adopted five-year global foreign and security policy of the EU is being done to improve stability in Europe and beyond, analyzing EU conflict resolution and crisis management activities. Conclusions and prospect of development. In view of the above, it can be concluded that the EU’s foreign and security policy institutional framework is an extensive system in which all the constituencies are endowed with a certain range of general and specific powers and are called upon to cooperate with one another to achieve a common goal. It cannot be said that such close cooperation puts pressure on Member States. Yes, a Member State has the right to refrain from voting for any decision that requires unanimity and such abstention will not prevent the above decision being taken. In this case, the mechanism of so-called “constructive retention” is triggered: the abstaining country is not obliged to comply with the decision, however, accepts the fact that it is binding on other Member States and takes this into account when concluding treaties, which should not contradict the said decision.


Author(s):  
Filippo Andreatta ◽  
Lorenzo Zambernardi

This chapter focuses on the European Union as a ‘power’ on the world stage. The persistent inability to develop a truly common foreign and security policy may raise serious doubts about the idea of the EU as a major ‘power’. However, the concept and reality of power should not be confused with the threat or the use of coercive force alone. The chapter first considers the elusive concept of power before discussing the distinction between ‘destructive’, ‘productive’, and ‘integrative’ power and connecting them to realism, liberalism, and constructivism, respectively. It then considers the role of Europe in the world and concludes with an overview of factors affecting the prospects for a European foreign policy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 163-179
Author(s):  
Francesco Battaglia

Abstract The Libyan crisis is the largest and closest crisis on the southern borders of the EU. It is therefore reasonable that the stabilization of this country and the engagement of international relations and partnership with an independent and effective government of Libya is a central point of the EU’s foreign policy since the outbreak of the crisis in 2011. The consolidation of peace in Libya is of primary importance not only because of political and economic reasons. The engagement with Libya is essential for the EU even to strengthen its role as global actor in the field of foreign and security policy. Finally, the Libyan crisis is closely connected with the migration emergency that is weakening European political cohesion. The purpose of this article is thus to carry out a legal analysis on the role of the EU in promoting peace/state-building in Libya, to make some considerations on the main lesson learned.


2009 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ramses A. Wessel

Institutional and normative convergence – Common Foreign and Security Policy – Pillar Structure – External Relations – Role of the Court – Normative Consistency – EU Legal Order – Legal Nature CFSP – Treaty of Lisbon – Legal Instruments – Decision-Making


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dorina Baltag

Summary The European Union (eu) today has quasi-embassies at its disposal in third countries — the eu delegations — which represent the Union’s eyes, ears and face. Following the Treaty of Lisbon, these delegations assumed the role of the rotating Presidencies and oversee the conduct of eu diplomatic affairs. In practice, this implies representing the eu and cooperating with eu member states’ embassies on matters not only relevant for aid and trade, but also for foreign and security policy. By employing performance criteria such as effectiveness, relevance and capability, this article uncovers the particularities of the practices of European diplomatic cooperation among eu delegations and national embassies in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Minsk, Chisinau and Kiev from 2013-2016, the article explores practices of European cooperation abroad, shows how eu diplomatic actors identify a common approach and emphasizes certain capability issues faced by the eu in these countries.


2007 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 501-531 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl Lebeck

The constitutional structure of the EU comprises two different components, one supranational (the European Community - EC) and one intergovernmental (the European Union). The EC is referred to as the first pillar, while the European Union in turn consists of two parts referred to as the second and third pillars respectively: the Common Foreign and Security Policy is the second, and the Police & Judicial Cooperation in Criminal Matters (the so called “area of Freedom, Security and Justice” - PJCC). The role of the common European institutions was from the outset more limited not just when it - which is logical - comes to legislation, but also when it comes to consultation and preparation of legislation. However, the ECJ retained jurisdiction to interpret the meaning of so called framework decisions in order to create a basis for uniform implementation in national law of such decisions. This was particularly true in relation to the Police and Judicial Cooperation in Criminal Matters. Whereas the European Court of Justice (ECJ) was granted jurisdiction in PJCC, the other community institutions, notably the European Commission, were given roles to supervise the implementation of framework decisions - but their role in enforcing uniformity was limited compared to the role of the community institutions in EC-law.


2003 ◽  
Vol 55 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 339-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dejan Gajic

After the end of World War II leaders of the West European countries had realised the necessity to create new security frameworks, thus making the security of the continent the concern of the Europeans themselves. However, immediately after it had been formed the North Atlantic Alliance, as a trans-Atlantic defence shield against the danger from the "communist East", became the central security component in Europe. Just after the end of the Cold War and disappearance of the "danger from the East" the European leaders initiated the process of creation of the new European defence system. The system would be designed in such a way not to jeopardise the position of the NATO, improving at the same time the security and stability in the continent. In the first part of the article the author considers the course of European integration in the second half of the last century that proceeded through creation of institutions preceding the establishment of the European Union. During the period of creation of this specific form of action performed by the European states at the internal and international levels, the deficiency of integration in the military field was notable. In that regard, the author stresses the role of the Western European Union as an alliance for collective defence of West European countries. The second part of the paper discusses the shaping of the EU security component through the provisions on the Common Foreign and Security Policy, which are included in the EU agreements. The Maastricht Treaty defined the Common Foreign and Security Policy as an instrument to reach agreement by member states in the defence field. The Amsterdam Treaty confirmed the role of this mechanism expanding the authorities resulting from it. The Treaty of Nice supplements the existing mechanism by a new military and political structure that should help implement the decisions made by the European Union institutions in the military field. In the third part of the article, the author presents the facts concerning the establishment and internal organisation of the Eurocorps. The creation of this military formation took place in early 1990s and was initiated by the two states of "the old Europe" - Germany and France. The authors also emphasises that the establishment of this formation is the first step towards creation of the armed forces in Europe. The fourth part of the paper treats the Rapid Reaction Force that was established by the Helsinki Agreement (1999). It became operative in early 2003 and its basic aim is to prevent the outbreak of crises in the region and to improve stability in Europe. In spite of the opinions that the establishment of such a force is the skeleton for creation of the European armed forces, the author thinks that, at least in the near future, they will not be a rival to the NATO. In his opinion, their possible military missions will be carried out only when the alliance takes no interest in being engaged in them.


2008 ◽  
Vol 60 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 199-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dusko Lopandic

The author analyses the development of EU in the new international surroundings during the last decade, also exploring the development of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). The first part treats the changes in international relations, the role of USA and the NATO evolution. With the changes in international relations that are characterized by the relative weakening of USA, the rise of the powers such as China and Russia as well as the process of globalization within the multipolar frameworks, the European Union and its members states are facing the problem of adjusting to the new conditions. The second part of the article overviews the EU development, its geostrategic priorities as well as the development of ESDP. In the last dozen of years, the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the ESDP development have gone through a dynamic evolution. The attempts of the EU countries to emancipate from USA and become a serious factor in international relations imply that it should strengthen its international identity, and the political and military components, in particular.


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