scholarly journals Role of Kurdish Sufi Tariqaʼs on the Political Arena in the 19th Century

Islamology ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 286-294
Author(s):  
Angelika Pobedonostseva
Author(s):  
José Antonio Cañizares Márquez

Tras los fracasados intentos de reforma colonial de la metrópoli española en la isla de Cuba en el siglo XIX, la Guerra de los Diez Años (1868-1878) representó la primera fase de una revolución independentista coordinada, de diferentes grupos organizados, en la que el papel de los catedráticos fue muy relevante. No obstante, existe un vacío en el trabajo historiográfico sobre el protagonismo político de los catedráticos de institutos en el proceso independentista. Resulta de sumo interés el estudio de estos actores para entender la política colonial de instrucción pública en Cuba, ya que durante la Guerra Grande el sesenta y cinco por ciento de los catedráticos fueron declarados insurrectos, acusados de delitos de infidencia, separados de sus cátedras, encarcelados y algunos ejecutados. Los objetivos de esta investigación no sólo pretenden contribuir al estudio del independentismo en Cuba sino que también pueden ayudar a consolidar los estudios de acción colectiva poco frecuentes en la historiografía española.After the unsuccessful attempts of colonial reform from the Spanish metropolis on the island of Cuba in the 19th century, the Ten Years’ War (1868-1878) represented the first phase of a coordinated independence revolution by different organized groups, in which the role of the professors was quite relevant. Nevertheless, there is a gap in the historiographic work about the political importance of these professors in the independence process. Therefore, it is highly relevant to study these actors to understand the colonial policy of public instruction in Cuba, due to the fact that sixty-five percent of the professors were declared insurgents, accused of treason, dispossessed of their positions, imprisoned and many of them were executed during the Great War. As a result, the objectives of this research are not only intended to contribute to the study of the independence movement in Cuba, but also help consolidate collective action studies that are uncommon in Spanish historiography.


Author(s):  
William J. Abraham

‘The impact of Methodism’ considers Methodism’s impact on and contribution to social movements, politics, education, and healthcare. Social movements that were deeply influenced by Methodism include the abolition of slavery in the 19th century and the Temperance Movement in the 20th century. The Methodist tradition has always encouraged diversity of judgement in the political arena and Methodists can be found on both the conservative and progressive wings of politics. One of the most important expressions of social holiness in Methodism shows up in its role in education. Methodists founded numerous successful schools and universities around the world. Methodism has also had an impact on popular and high culture.


2019 ◽  
Vol 80 ◽  
pp. 283-308
Author(s):  
Stephanie Plasschaert

This paper discusses from the perspective of a legal historian the development of the institution of the Nautical Commission and the supervision of seaworthiness of vessels in Antwerp during the first half of the 19th century, mindful of the political and economic context. The possible influences of other actors onto the development of the Nautical Commission are taken into account, together with the needs and evolution of the maritime sector. In particular, the role of and interaction between classification societies and the Nautical Commission are analysed.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federica Balluchi ◽  
Arianna Lazzini ◽  
Riccardo Torelli

The aim of this research is to investigate the contribution of Giuseppe Verdi and Casa Ricordi in shaping the 19th century music culture industry by adopting a new perspective on accounting and history. In 19th century Italy, opera represented an important phenomenon, both artistically and socially, playing a fundamental role of intermediary between society and the political sphere. The complex relationships between the composer (artist) and the publisher (cultural intermediary) are analysed in the specific field of opera music, outlining the evolution and interweaving of artistic, social, and economic aspects. The study embraces the period 1839–1893 and examines the economic and private relations between Giuseppe Verdi and Casa Ricordi and their impacts on the culture industry to this day. This paper’s novelty is to adopt a historical perspective to broaden accounting into the field of high music offering possibilities for further studies.


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 63-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Padraic John Gibson

Aboriginal protest played a key role in undermining the celebratory settler-nationalism of the bicentennial in 1988. In the lead up to another major nationalist mobilisation, the centenary of the Gallipoli invasion on ANZAC Day 2015, extensive official efforts are being made to incorporate Aboriginal experiences into the day, through celebration of the role of Aboriginal people who served in Australia’s armed forces. This article provides a critical analysis of the 2014 NAIDOC theme as a way of exploring some of the tensions in this process. The NAIDOC theme, ‘Serving Country: Centenary and Beyond’, presented a continuity between Aboriginal soldiers in WW1 and Aboriginal warriors who fought in defence of their land during the 19th Century Frontier Wars. In contrast, this article argues that the real historical continuity is between the massacres on the frontier, which often involved Aboriginal troopers fighting for the colonial powers, and the invasions undertaken by Australian soldiers in WW1. New research documenting the horrific scale on which Aboriginal people were killed by Native Police in Queensland in the second half of the 19th Century is integrated with studies of the political economy of Australian settler-capitalism in this period. This analysis is used to demonstrate how capitalist class interests drove both the Frontier Wars and the development of an Australian regional empire, which was consolidated by the mobilisation of Australian troops in WW1.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-90
Author(s):  
Ahmad Tohri ◽  
H. Habibuddin ◽  
Abdul Rasyad

This article discusses the Sasak people’s resistance against MataramKarangasem and Dutch colonial rulers in the 19th century in Lombok, Indonesia. It particularly focuses on Tuan Guru Umar Kelayu and his central role in the emergence of Sasak people’s resistance which transformed into Sasak physical revolution local and global imperialismcolonialism. Using the historical method, this article collected data through observation, in-depth interviews, and documentation. The data analysis involved the historical methods of heuristics, verification or criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The findings show that Sasak people’s resistance was not only caused by economic factors but also related to other factors such as social, cultural, and religious ones. Tuan Guru Umar Kelayu played a key role in the Sasak people’s resistance in that it was under his leadership and influence that the resistance transformed into a physical struggle against MataramKarangasem and Dutch colonialism as seen in Sakra War and Praya War which were led by his students and friends.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 140-155
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Badalyan

“Zemsky Sobor” was one of the key concepts in Russian political discourse in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. It can be traced to the notion well-known already since the 17th century. Still in the course of further evolution it received various mew meaning and connotations in the discourse of different political trends. The author of the article examines various stages of this concept configuring in the works of the Decembrists, especially Slavophiles, and then in the political projects and publications of the socialists, liberals and “aristocratic” opposition.


Author(s):  
D.R. Zhantiev

Аннотация В статье рассматривается роль и место Сирии (включая Ливан и Палестину) в системе османских владений на протяжении нескольких веков от османского завоевания до периода правления султана Абдул-Хамида II. В течение четырех столетий османского владычества территория исторической Сирии (Билад аш-Шам) была одним из важнейших компонентов османской системы и играла роль связующего звена между Анатолией, Египтом, Ираком и Хиджазом. Необходимость ежегодной организации хаджа с символами султанской власти и покровительства над святынями Мекки и Медины определяла особую стратегическую важность сирийских провинций Османской империи. Несмотря на ряд серьезных угроз во время общего кризиса османской государственности (конец XVI начало XIX вв.), имперскому центру удалось сохранить контроль над Сирией путем создания сдержек и противовесов между местными элитами. В XIX в. и особенно в период правления Абдул- Хамида II (18761909 гг.), сохранение Сирии под османским контролем стало вопросом существования Османской империи, которая перед лицом растущего европейского давления и интервенции потеряла большую часть своих владений на Балканах и в Северной Африке. Задача укрепления связей между имперским центром и периферией в сирийских вилайетах в последней четверти XIX в. была в целом успешно решена. К началу XX в. Сирия была одним из наиболее политически спокойных и прочно связанных со Стамбулом регионов Османской империи. Этому в значительной степени способствовали довольно высокий уровень общественной безопасности, развитие внешней торговли, рост образования и постепенная интеграция местных элит (как мусульман, так и христиан) в османские государственные и социальные механизмы. Положение Сирии в системе османских владений показало, что процесс ослабления и территориальной дезинтеграции Османской империи в эпоху реформ не был линейным и наряду с потерей владений и влияния на Балканах, в азиатской части империи в течение XIX и начала XX вв. происходил параллельный процесс имперской консолидации.Abstract The article examines the role and place of Greater Syria (including Lebanon and Palestine) in the system of Ottoman possessions over several centuries from the Ottoman conquest to the period of the reign of Abdul Hamid II. For four centuries of Ottoman domination, the territory of historical Syria (Bilad al-Sham) was one of the most important components in the Ottoman system and played the role of a link between Anatolia, Egypt, Iraq and Hijaz. The need to ensure the Hajj with symbols of Sultan power and patronage over the shrines of Mecca and Medina each year determined the special strategic importance of the Syrian provinces of the Ottoman Empire. Despite a number of serious threats during the general crisis of the Ottoman state system (late 16th early 19th centuries), the imperial center managed to maintain control over Syria by creating checks and balances between local elites. In the 19th century. And especially during the reign of Abdul Hamid II (18761909), keeping Syria under Ottoman control became a matter of existence for the Ottoman Empire, which, in the face of increasing European pressure and intervention, lost most of its possessions in the Balkans and North Africa. The task of strengthening ties between the imperial center and the periphery in Syrian vilayets in the last quarter of the 19th century was generally successfully resolved. By the beginning of the 20th century, Syria was one of the most politically calm and firmly connected with Istanbul regions of the Ottoman Empire. This was greatly facilitated by a fairly high level of public safety, the development of foreign trade, the growth of education and the gradual integration of local elites (both Muslims and Christians) into Ottoman state and social mechanisms. Syrias position in the system of Ottoman possessions clearly showed that the process of weakening and territorial disintegration of the Ottoman Empire during the era of reform was not linear, and along with the loss of possessions and influence in the Balkans, in the Asian part of the empire during the 19th and early 20th centuries there was a parallel process of imperial consolidation.


2006 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert W. Russ ◽  
Gary J. Previts ◽  
Edward N. Coffman

Canal companies were among the first enterprises to be organized in the corporate form and to require large amounts of capital. This paper examines the stockholder review committee of a 19th century corporation, the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company (C&O), and discusses how the C&O used this corporate governance structure to monitor and improve financial management and operations. A major strength was the concern and dedication of the stockholders to the company, while a major weakness was the political control exerted by the State of Maryland. The paper provides an historical perspective on corporate governance in the 19th century. This research contributes to the literature by providing detailed workings and practices of a stockholder review committee. The paper documents corporate governance efforts in archival sources that provide an early example of accountability required in a corporate charter and the manner in which the stockholders carried out this responsibility.


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