scholarly journals Between Suspicion and Censure: Attitudes towards the Jewish Left in Postwar Vancouver

Author(s):  
Faith Jones

This article examines relations between the Vancouver Peretz Institute (VPI, a secular, Yiddish-based organization), the United Jewish People’s Order (UJPO, a political group with close ties to the Communist Party of Canada), and Vancouver’s mainstream Jewish community during the 1950s. Begun in the mid-1940s, as Vancouver’s Jewish population was growing, the VPI and the Vancouver branches of the UJPO at first experienced little hostility and much active support from the larger Jewish community. In the early 1950s, under the pressures of anti-communist fervour then sweeping the United States and Canada, Canadian Jewish Congress expelled the UJPO nationally. Later, Vancouver’s Jewish community expelled the UJPO from local umbrella organizations and from use of community resources. At the same time, the VPI, seen as not sufficiently religious or Zionist, was denied funding through the United Jewish Appeal. The article looks at these events, and considers the continuation of strained relations between the parties to the dispute.

Author(s):  
Henry Srebrnik

This article examines the history of two organizations whose main aim was to provide support for the Soviet project to establish a Jewish socialist republic, the official language of which was to be Yiddish, in the Birobidzhan region of the USSR. ICOR was founded in 1924 and was active within the Jewish, immigrant, working-class milieu; Ambijan, in Canada called the Canadian Birobidjan Committee, was formed in the United States in 1934. Both groups were ideologically and organizationally tied to the Communist Party of Canada and operated for some three decades. They became ideologically marginal and politically irrelevant during the Cold War, especially after the Birobidzhan project was exposed as largely fraudulent. Both groups disbanded in the 1950s.


1979 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 781-794 ◽  
Author(s):  
John L. Sullivan ◽  
James Piereson ◽  
George E. Marcus

This article proposes an alternative conceptualization of political tolerance, a new measurement strategy consistent with that conceptualization, and some new findings based upon this measurement strategy. Briefly put, we argue that tolerance presumes a political objection to a group or to an idea, and if such an objection does not arise, neither does the problem of tolerance. Working from this understanding, we argue that previous efforts to measure tolerance have failed because they have asked respondents about groups preselected by the investigators. Those groups selected as points of reference in measuring tolerance have generally been of a leftist persuasion. Our measurement strategy allowed respondents themselves to select a political group to which they were strongly opposed. They were then asked a series of questions testing the extent to which they were prepared to extend procedural claims to these self-selected targets. Using this approach, we found little change between the 1950s and the 1970s in levels of tolerance in the United States, a result that contradicts much recent research on the problem.


Author(s):  
Robert H. Abzug

Rollo May (1909‒1994), internationally known psychologist and popular philosopher, came from modest roots in the small town Protestant Midwest intending to do “religious work” but eventually became a psychotherapist and in best-selling books like Love and Will and The Courage to Create he attracted an audience of millions of readers in the United States, Europe, and Asia. During the 1950s and 1960s, these books combined existentialism and other philosophical approaches, psychoanalysis, and a spiritually-philosophy to interpret the damage bureaucratic and technocratic aspects of modernity and their inability of individuals to understand their authentic selves. Psyche and Soul in America deals not only with May’s public contributions but also to his turbulent inner life as revealed in unprecedentedly intimate sources in order to demonstrate the relationship between the personal and public in a figure who wrote about intimacy, its loss, and ways to regain an authentic sense of self and others.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 507-508
Author(s):  
Ying Wang ◽  
Mandong Liu ◽  
Iris Chi

Abstract Chinese immigrant caregivers face unique self-care difficulties in the United States due to language barriers, cultural isolation, and occupational stress. This study aimed to conduct a formative evaluation on a caregiver self-care curriculum of an app designed for Chinese immigrants in the United States. Using a co-design approach in 2019, 22 Chinese immigrant caregivers in Los Angeles county were recruited through purposive sampling method. The directed content analysis was adopted to analyze the qualitative data using NVivo 12.1.0 software. We organized the findings under two main contents: self-care and caregiving. Three categories were identified under the self-care content: physical health, emotional and mental health, and support resources. Sixteen subcategories under physical health (e.g., dietary supplements), five subcategories under emotional and mental health (e.g., depression) and eight subcategories under support resources (e.g., support and networking group, senior center) are suggested. Two categories were identified under the caregiving content: caregiving knowledge and skills, and community resources. Fourteen subcategories under caregiving knowledge and skills (e.g., care assessment) and six subcategories under community resources (e.g., medical emergency call) were mentioned. With this useful information, we could further refine the self-care curriculum to be more linguistically, culturally and occupationally sensitive for Chinese immigrant caregivers. Empowerment approach for enhancing the ability to caregiving and self-care should be emphasized in content design for immigrant caregivers. The co-design approach is crucial for planning of the program and intervention curriculum to improve understanding of the users’ needs and better cater them.


2006 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Triadafilos Triadafilopoulos ◽  
Karen Schönwälder

With the passage of a new citizenship law in 1999 and the so-calledZuwanderungsgesetz (Migration Law) of 2004, contemporary Germanyhas gone a long way toward acknowledging its status as an immigrationcountry (Einwanderungsland). Yet, Germany is still regarded bymany as a “reluctant” land of immigration, different than traditionalimmigration countries such as Canada, the United States, and Australia.It owes this image to the fact that many of today’s “immigrants”were in fact “guests,” invited to work in the Federal Republicin the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s and expected to leave when they wereno longer needed. Migration was meant to be a temporary measure,to stoke the engine of the Economic Miracle but not fundamentallyalter German society. The question, then, is how did these “guestworkers” become immigrants? Why did the Federal Republicbecome an immigration country?


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-31
Author(s):  
Jakub Majkowski

This essay will firstly address the extent of Stalin’s achievements in leading the course for domestic policy of the Soviet Union and its contribution towards maintaining the country’s supremacy in the world, for example the rapid post-war recovery of industry and agriculture, and secondly, the foreign policy including ambiguous relations with Communist governments of countries forming the Eastern Bloc, upkeeping frail alliances and growing antagonism towards western powers, especially the United States of America.   The actions and influence of Stalin’s closest associates in the Communist Party and the effect of Soviet propaganda on the society are also reviewed. This investigation will cover the period from 1945 to 1953. Additionally, other factors such as the impact of post-war worldwide economic situation and attitude of the society of Soviet Union will be discussed.    


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Reuben Covshoff

Manitoba has strategized from 2002 onwards to incorporate a free-market approach into Manitoba's Provincial Nominee Programme in order to fulfill its labour market goals. In the grand scheme of attracting new Argentinean Jewish immigrants, it was an opportunity for these people to leave their homeland that was suffering under an economic depression and a currency crisis. Both the provincial government (through the Manitoba Provincial Nominee Programme) and an ethno-cultural institution (the Jewish Federation of Winnipeg) forged a partnership that matched these immigrants with jobs and also helped integrate them into the Winnipeg Jewish community. Seventeen interviews of Argentinean Jews now living in Winnipeg explained how they had a choice of emigrating to Spain, Israel or the United States but they selected Winnipeg and they give their reasons for doing so.


2003 ◽  
Vol 125 (10) ◽  
pp. 56-59
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Leaf

This article focuses on innovations done by engineers for spying. If there has been espionage, engineers have been a part of it. In World War II, infiltrators and downed pilots had to be able to find their way behind enemy lines. Compasses were hidden in cufflinks, pencil clips, and buttons. Maps were printed on rice paper so they wouldn't rustle when opened. British pilots wore special flying boots with cutaway tops that, when removed, left normal-looking shoes. Bugging is another method of the spy. The purpose of a bug is to detect sound vibrations in air or in other materials, such as wood, plaster, or metal. A good bug must reject unwanted noise, be easily concealed, and be energy efficient. The United States had an entire listening kit in the 1950s and 1960s with an assortment of accessories like a tie clip and wristwatch microphones.


2002 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 56-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olav Njølstad

From the late 1940s on, the United States did its best to prevent the Italian Communist Party (PCI)from gaining a role in the Italian government. When Jimmy Carter took office in Washington in 1977, the PCI once again was maneuvering for a share of power in Rome. Some observers in Italy speculated that the new U.S. administration would be less averse than its predecessors had been to the prospect of Communist participation in the Italian government. The Carter administration's initial statements and actions created further ambiguity and may have emboldened some senior PCI officials to step up their efforts to gain at least a share of power. Faced with the prospect that Communists would be invited into a coalition government in Italy, the Carter administration dropped its earlier caution and spoke out unequivocally against a “historic compromise” involving the PCI. Although it is difficult to say whether the more forceful U.S. stance made a decisive difference, the ruling Christian Democrats in Italy were able to keep the Communist Party out of the government.


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