scholarly journals Multipartidismo parlamentario y pluripartidismo gubernamental. Vicisitudes del sistema de partidos del Estado español (2015-2020)

2020 ◽  
pp. 213-235
Author(s):  
Roberto Rodríguez Guerra ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
General Elections

This paper addresses the important changes that the party system of the Spanish State has undergone from the general elections of 2015 to those of November 2019 and the present. Thus, it analyzes its transition from limited pluripartidism to multipartidism and, while pointing out its most relevant changes, argues the possibility of characterizing it as a system of parliamentary multipartidism and governmental pluripartidism

The Two-Party System Meets a House of Councillors Election

2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEVEN R. REED
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Many

Elections to Japan's upper house, the House of Councillors, are ‘secondary’ elections, that is, elections that do not choose the government. Among the implications of this secondary status is that the party system is primarily determined elsewhere, by the system used in the general elections that do choose the government. From 1947 through 1993 the system used in general elections fostered a multiparty system that did not sit easily with the many single-member districts of the House of Councillors. Since 1996 general elections use a system based primarily on single-member districts, which is fostering a two-party system. As a two-party system emerges, we should expect the single-member districts of the upper house to become more and the multi-member districts to become less congruent with the party system. The 2004 House of Councillors election presented us with our first example of what two-party elections might look like in future upper house elections. The overall results do indeed indicate the advent of the two-party system with the major parties winning 96% of the seats in the district tier and 71% in the PR tier.

scholarly journals A NEW MEASURE FOR PARTY COHERENCE: APPLYING A PHYSICS-BASED CONCEPT TO THE SWISS PARTY SYSTEM

2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (06) ◽  
pp. 1350011 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARKUS CHRISTEN ◽  
THOMAS OTT ◽  
DANIEL SCHWARZ
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Research ◽  
Party System ◽  
Systems Approach ◽  
Empirical Measure ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Measurement Concept ◽  
Party Members ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
Definition Of

The paper revives a theoretical definition of party coherence as being composed of two basic elements, cohesion and factionalism, to propose and apply a novel empirical measure based on spin physics. The simultaneous analysis of both components using a single measurement concept is applied to data representing the political beliefs of candidates in the Swiss general elections of 2003 and 2007, proposing a connection between the coherence of the beliefs party members hold and the assessment of parties being at risk of splitting. We also compare our measure with established polarization measures and demonstrate its advantage with respect to multi-dimensional data that lack clear structure. Furthermore, we outline how our analysis supports the distinction between bottom-up and top-down mechanisms of party splitting. In this way, we are able to turn the intuition of coherence into a defined quantitative concept that, additionally, offers a methodological basis for comparative research of party coherence. Our work serves as an example of how a complex systems approach allows to get a new perspective on a long-standing issue in political science.

Are Less-Involved Voters the Key to Win Elections?

2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorenzo De Sio
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Interest ◽  
The Political ◽  
Level Of Involvement ◽  
General Elections ◽  
History Of ◽  
And Behavior ◽  
Attitudes And Behavior ◽  
Interest And Knowledge

The literature highlights how different individual levels of political interest and knowledge matter for political attitudes and behavior. A logical-quantitative voting model is thus proposed for a two-party system, based on voters' left—right ideological positions and their degree of political involvement. The model hypothesizes that although more involved voters generally behave in accordance with their ideological orientation, those who are less involved do not. Moreover, the latter tend to be more undecided and therefore likely to be more strongly influenced by campaign activities. This model is then applied to survey data regarding the 2001 Italian general elections. Results confirm the hypotheses and show that the most competitive area is ideologically a narrow centrist area for very involved citizens, becoming wider as the level of involvement decreases. Separate analyses are carried out for different geopolitical areas of the country, with results fitting the political history of these areas.

A Changing Party Landscape?

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 171-212
Author(s):  
Ioannis Armakolas ◽  
Apostolis Karabairis
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral Behavior ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Election Results

This article examines the 2010 general elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in view of the upcoming 2014 elections. The authors argue that analyses of Bosnian elections need to take into account the realignment of the Bosnian party system during the second half of the 2000s. Through an analysis of the 2010 election results, the constants and the shifts in Bosnian electoral behavior are detected and employed along with the governmental record of the recent years to propose what the stakes of the upcoming elections might be.

The Italian parties and their programmatic platforms: How alternative?

Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 451-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolò Conti
Keyword(s):  
Longitudinal Analysis ◽  
Party System ◽  
Policy Positions ◽  
Italian Case ◽  
Party Manifestos ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Number Of Parties

In the last decade, in spite of a large number of parties taking part in elections, the Italian party system has shown an increasing simplification in the programmatic supply, with two large coalitions showing a process of convergence of their policy platforms. This article shows that on the crucial themes characterising the confrontation between neo-liberalism versus regulated capitalism, the distance between the two coalitions has progressively reduced. The theory of the cartel party has predicted convergence in the policy positions of parties. Thus, the article will attempt to test the validity of this theory and of the predicted consequences on the Italian case. For this purpose, a longitudinal analysis will be presented grounded on party manifestos for the Italian general elections.

scholarly journals Politics, Political Parties and the Party System in Nigeria: Who's Interest?

2020 ◽  
Vol 89 ◽  
pp. 33-50
Author(s):  
Dhikru Adewale Yagboyaju ◽  
Antonia Taiye Simbine
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
Documentary Sources ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Law Reports ◽  
Special Committees ◽  
Selection Of

Party system and the administration of political parties are critical factors in determining the direction of politics and democracy. Three political parties contested at the inception of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic in 1999, but the number increased to more than 91 as at 2019. This paper raises fundamental questions as to whose interest – public or private interest of promoters and financiers - these parties serve, and whether the increase in the number of political parties has significantly entrenched democratic values in the country? These questions are compelling because of several events in political party operations in the 20 years of the Fourth Republic. These include controversial and vexatious party primaries preceding every major election, often leading to protracted and distractive litigations and rampant political defections. Unregulated use of money has, in particular, restrained ample participation by women and youths, while violence is almost becoming a norm and permanent characteristic of the electoral and political system. The paper draws data from secondary documentary sources for its conceptual and theoretical contents. Primary data are generated from events analyses by the authors as observers at party conventions and other meetings for the selection of candidates for political offices as well as during general elections. This is complimented by content analyses of relevant documents including electoral laws, court and law reports, and reports by special committees such as the Electoral Reform Committee (ERC). A combination of the ecological approach and conspiratorial theory is deployed for the paper’s analytic frame.

scholarly journals Vicisitudes del sistema de partidos del Estado español (1977-2011): ¿bipartidismo imperfecto, sistema de partido dominante o pluripartidismo limitado?

2020 ◽  
Vol 46 ◽  
pp. 9-26
Author(s):  
Roberto Rodríguez Guerra ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
The State ◽  
Critical Examination ◽  
State Party ◽  
General Elections

This paper analyzes the vicissitudes and changes experienced by the Spanish state party system from the 1977 general elections to 2011. Thus, after a brief terminological approach to the issue, it shows some generic features of the state party system and undertakes a critical examination of some of its most prominent typifications (“imperfect bipartidism,” “predominant party system” or “limited pluralism”). On the basis of such critical examination, it finally provides its own and more adequate characterization of itself

scholarly journals Model Setting of Political Party System and Electoral Systems to Prevent Political Corruption

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-234
Author(s):  
Agus Riwanto ◽  
Achmad Achmad
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Mixed Model ◽  
Research Result ◽  
Election System ◽  
Political Party System ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Recruitment Model ◽  
Legislative Election

Abstract. This study aims to analyze and examine the causes of political parties to systemic corruption and efforts to save them from corruption. Political parties are important actors in democracy in a country. Democracy manifests in the form of election, the main actor of the election is a political party. If the main actor of corruption is confirmed, democracy and elections will fall. The result is a bad stigma in political parties: democracy yes political party no. Based on the research result that the cause of political party of corruption: First, the placement of political party as an important agent in state structure of Indonesia Post-amendment of 1945 Constitution, but it is not balanced with recruitment model of political party cadre that meritokratic, integrity and, responsibility to the public. Secondly, financing for running the organization of political parties is very expensive, especially if the political parties are projected to win the seats of DPR / D, governor/regent/mayor and president. Third, the choice of model of legislative election system in 2009 and 2014 based on Law Number 10 Year 2008 and Law Number 12 the Year 2012 on General Election of DPR, DPD, and DPRD (Indonesian Legislative Election) members are the most open-based voting proportional system. The recommendations for reforms to save political parties from corruption through party system and election system aspects are (1) to improve the recruitment model of political party cadre; (2) making alternative for financing model of political party organization; (3) tightening the requirements of political parties into election participants; (4) eliciting election costs by returning to open proportional systems with sequence numbers, and (5) designing alternative mixed-model electoral systems.Keywords: Arrangements, models, political parties, general elections and political corruptionAbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis dan mengkaji tentang penyebab partai politik (parpol) melakukan korupsi sistemik dan upaya menyelamatkannya dari korupsi. Parpol adalah aktor penting dalam demokrasi di sebuah negara. Demokrasi terwujud dalam bentuk pemilu, aktor utama pemilu adalah parpol. Jika aktor utamanya korupsi dipastikan demokrasi dan pemilunya terpuruk. Akibatnya muncul stigma buruk pada parpol: demokrasi yes parpol no. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum empirisis (sosiologis) yang bersifat diskriptif-eksplanatoris. Karena penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif, maka cara memperoleh data dilakukan dengan studi pustaka dan observasi. Teori yang digunakan adalah teori korupsi politik, teori sistem kepartaian dan teori sistem pemilu. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian bahwa penyebab parpol korupsi: Pertama, ditempatkannya parpol sebagai agen penting bernegara dalam struktur ketatanegaraan Indonesia Pascaamandemen UUD 1945, namun tidak diimbangi dengan model rekruitmen kader parpol yang meritokratis, berintegritas dan tanggungjawab pada publik. Kedua, pembiayaan menjalankan roda organisasi parpol sangat mahal, apalagi jika parpol diproyeksikan untuk meraih kursi DPR/D, gubernur/bupati/walikota dan presiden. Ketiga, pilihan model sistem pemilu legislatif tahun 2009 dan 2014 berdasarkan UU No.10/2008 dan UU No.12/2012 Tentang Pemilu Anggota DPR, DPD dan DPRD adalah sistem proporsional terbuka berbasis suara terbanyak. Adapun rekomendasi untuk reformasi menyelamatkan parpol dari korupsi melalui aspek sistem kepartaian dan sistem pemilu adalah, (1) memperbaiki model rekruitmen kader parpol; (2) membuat alternatif model pembiayaan organisasi parpol; (3) memperketat syarat parpol menjadi peserta pemilu; (4) mempermurah biaya pemilu dengan kembali ke sistem proporsional terbuka dengan nomor urut, dan (5) merancang alternatif sistem pemilu model campuran.Kata Kunci: Pengaturan, model, parpol, pemilu dan korupsi politik

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document