The Two-Party System Meets a House of Councillors Election

2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEVEN R. REED

Elections to Japan's upper house, the House of Councillors, are ‘secondary’ elections, that is, elections that do not choose the government. Among the implications of this secondary status is that the party system is primarily determined elsewhere, by the system used in the general elections that do choose the government. From 1947 through 1993 the system used in general elections fostered a multiparty system that did not sit easily with the many single-member districts of the House of Councillors. Since 1996 general elections use a system based primarily on single-member districts, which is fostering a two-party system. As a two-party system emerges, we should expect the single-member districts of the upper house to become more and the multi-member districts to become less congruent with the party system. The 2004 House of Councillors election presented us with our first example of what two-party elections might look like in future upper house elections. The overall results do indeed indicate the advent of the two-party system with the major parties winning 96% of the seats in the district tier and 71% in the PR tier.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-105
Author(s):  
Aditya Putera Adiguna ◽  
Rifaid Rifaid ◽  
Zaldi Rusnaedy

Political parties are not only an important part of the many functions they carry out such as representation, recruitment and outreach), but there are complex relationships between parties and form work systems in their political practice. Party system is an analysis to examine party behavior as part of a system, that is, how each party interacts with each other. the party system consists of single parties, dual parties and multiparty parties. This paper tries to identify various kinds of problems caused by the application of a multiparty system by using literature studies based on upstream research. Indonesia is a democratic country that adopts a multiparty system in its political activities which is characterized by the many parties competing for government power. A multiparty system when combined with a presidential government system raises various problems, such as the possibility of electing a minority president, too many parties joining the coalition to become a fat coalition, and the stability of the government is disrupted. Partai politik tidak hanya merupakan bagian penting dari banyak fungsi yang dilakukan seperti perwakilan, rekrutmen dan penjangkauan, tetapi ada hubungan yang kompleks antara partai-partai dan pembentukan sistem kerja dalam praktik politik. Sistem kepartaian adalah analisis untuk memeriksa perilaku partai sebagai bagian dari suatu sistem, yaitu bagaimana masing-masing pihak berinteraksi satu sama lain. sistem kepartaian terdiri dari partai tunggal, dwi-partai dan partai multipartai. Artikel ini mencoba mengidentifikasi berbagai jenis masalah yang disebabkan oleh penerapan sistem multipartai dengan menggunakan studi literatur berdasarkan penelitian terdahulu. Indonesia adalah negara demokratis yang mengadopsi sistem multipartai dalam kegiatan politiknya yang ditandai oleh banyak pihak yang bersaing untuk mendapatkan kekuasaan pemerintah. Sistem multipartai ketika digabungkan dengan sistem pemerintahan presidensial menimbulkan berbagai masalah, seperti kemungkinan memilih presiden minoritas, terlalu banyak partai yang bergabung dalam koalisi untuk menjadi koalisi yang gemuk, dan stabilitas pemerintahan terganggu.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter John Loewen ◽  
Frédérick Bastien

Abstract. Despite the development of electoral studies in Canada, by-elections have received little attention from researchers. We believe that these are important political events. This research note examines the 121 federal by-elections held between general elections from 1963 to 2008. Our analysis indicates that turnout in by-elections is driven by the larger societal determinants of turnout and not the characteristics of each race. We also find that the support of the government party in a by-election is affected by changes in national opinion towards the government, but only in the third-party system. We find that minor parties and independent candidates perform better in by-elections than in general elections. And we find no difference in the re-election rates of by-election winners and those who enter parliament through general elections.Résumé. Malgré le développement des études électorales au Canada, les élections partielles ont reçu très peu d'attention de la part des chercheurs. Nous croyons qu'il s'agit pourtant d'événements importants dans la vie politique canadienne. Cette note de recherche examine les 121 élections partielles fédérales survenues entre les élections générales de 1963 à 2008. Notre analyse indique que le taux de participation aux élections partielles est davantage influencé par des déterminants sociétaux que par des caractéristiques propres à chacune. Nous constatons aussi que les fluctuations de l'opinion publique canadienne à l'égard du gouvernement influençaient la performance du parti gouvernemental lors des élections partielles avant le réalignement partisan de 1993, mais que ce n'est plus le cas dans le système partisan actuel. Nous observons également que les petits partis et les candidats indépendants enregistrent de meilleures performances lors des élections partielles et qu'il n'y a pas, aux élections générales qui suivent, de différence notable entre le taux de réélection des gagnants aux élections partielles et celui des autres députés sortants.


Author(s):  
Ramesh Pandita

Democratic process of any country is based on the participation of the public to form the government through their elected representatives, and the nation having an electoral system in place to choose their representatives can be termed as a nation living true to its democratic essence, while as, the nation elusive of ground level public participation in forming governments can never be termed as living true to democratic colour. The present study is an attempt to understand the electoral process of India, the public participation in the democratic process of the country, which is already fifteen general elections old, lasted over the period 1951 to 2014. Attempt has been made to understand the areas like, growth of parties over the period of time, seat distribution, reservation of seats, electoral participation, polling stations, performance of major national political parties along with electoral turnout both collectively and on gender basis etc. Existence of the multi party system in India and the growth in parties over a period of time gets equally reflected by the fact that in 1951, 54 parties participated in the electoral process and the number grew up to 466 in 2014, reflecting a growth of over 792%. During all the general elections contested by candidates 77.43% contestants forfeited their deposits with an average of 135 political parties contested each general election. Over 80.45% elected candidates to the parliament during all the general elections held so far, represent national parties.


Author(s):  
Isnaini Isnaini

Abstrak: Koalisi dalam sistem pemerintahan presidensial menjadi penting ketika lembaga eksekutif dan lembaga legislatif memiliki ruang intervensi terhadap kerja pemerintahan seperti di Indonesia. Pemerintah merasa perlu membangun koalisi yang mampu menstabilkan dan memuluskan kebijakan dan kerja pemerintahan. Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis eksistensi koalisi partai politik dalam sistem pemerintahan presidensial Indonesia. Penelitian ini juga bertujuan mengkaji bagaimana mewujudkan sistem pemerintahan presidensial yang ideal pada sistem multipartai di Indonesia. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan yuridis normatif, pendekatan yuridis normatif digunakan untuk mengkaji atau menganalisis data sekunder yang berupa bahan-bahan hukum, terutama bahan-bahan hukum primer dan sekunder. Metode pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui studi pustaka dalam bentuk deskriptif. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa eksistensi koalisi partai politik dalam praktek penyelenggaraan pemerintahan terjadi perluasan arti, koalisi partai politik secara konstitusi dilakukan dalam rangka pemilihan umum. Koalisi sulit dihindari dalam sistem multipartai di Indonesia. Sistem pemerintahan presidensial dengan sistem multipartai tidak cocok jika dikombinasikan karena dapat menghancurkan demokrasi, bangsa harus menentukan pilihannya antara mempertahankan sistem pemerintahan presidensial murni sesuai konstitusi. Sistem kepartaian harus dimodifikasi menjadi sistem multipartai terbatas. Selanjutnya ada 3 hal yang harus dilakukan untuk mewujudkan sistem pemerintahan presidensial yang ideal bagi demokrasi Indonesia; a] Menyederhanakan partai politik, b] Mengatur koalisi tetap, dan c] Mengatur lembaga oposisi.Abstract:  The presidential government system coalition becomes important when the executive and legislative have an intervention to government work as well as Indonesia. The government needs to build coalitions which are able to stabilize and smooth government policies and work. This study aims to analyze the existence of a coalition of political parties in Indonesia's presidential government system, also to realize an ideal presidential government system in a multiparty system in Indonesia. This study uses a normative juridical approach, used to study or analyze secondary data in the form of legal materials, especially primary and secondary data. Data collection method was done through literature study in descriptive form. The results showed that the existence of a coalition of political parties in the government expanded the meaning, a coalition of political parties constitutionally carried out in the context of general elections. Coalition cannot be avoided in a multiparty system in Indonesia. A presidential government system with a multiparty system is not suitable if it combined, because it can destroy democracy, the nation must make its choice in maintaining a purely presidential government system in accordance with constitution. The party system must be modified to a limited multiparty system. Furthermore, there are 3 things that must be done to realize an ideal presidential government system for Indonesian democracy; a] Simplifying political parties, b] Arranging permanent coalitions, and c] Organizing opposition institutions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel López Rubio

Resumen: Las elecciones generales de 2015 y 2016 en España han puesto fin a un período de más de tres décadas marcado por un claro bipartidismo. Hasta ese momento, los procesos de investidura no revistieron nunca una especial dificultad, lográndose de un modo relativamente rápido la formación de gobierno. La nueva situación política, que ha traído 315 días sin un gobierno en plenitud de funciones, aconseja revisar la normativa constitucional relativa a la elección del Presidente del Gobierno, reflexionando sobre la conveniencia o no de introducir algunas reformas.Palabras clave: Investidura, elección del Presidente, gobierno parlamentario, funciones del Rey, reforma constitucional.Abstract: More than three decades of a strong two-party system ended after the Spanish general elections of 2015 and 2016. Until then, investiture had never been particularly difficult and the formation of the government had taken place rapidly. The new political situation, that produced a 315-day span without government, suggests reviewing the constitutional rules for the election of the President of the Government and discussing whether or not some legal reforms are convenient.Keywords: Investiture, election of the President, parliamentary government, the King’s constitutional role, constitutional reform.


1967 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 416-420
Author(s):  
Arthur MacEwan

These books are numbers 4 and 5, respectively, in the series "Studies in the Economic Development of India". The two books are interesting complements to one another, both being concerned with the analysis of projects within national plan formulation. However, they treat different sorts of problems and do so on very different levels. Marglin's Public Investment Criteria is a short treatise on the problems of cost-benefit analysis in an Indian type economy, i.e., a mixed economy in which the government accepts a large planning responsibility. The book, which is wholely theoretical, explains the many criteria needed for evaluation of projects. The work is aimed at beginning students and government officials with some training in economics. It is a clear and interesting "introduction to the special branch of economics that concerns itself with systematic analysis of investment alternatives from the point of view of a government".


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Lisa Grace S. Bersales ◽  
Josefina V. Almeda ◽  
Sabrina O. Romasoc ◽  
Marie Nadeen R. Martinez ◽  
Dannela Jann B. Galias

With the advancement of technology, digitalization, and the internet of things, large amounts of complex data are being produced daily. This vast quantity of various data produced at high speed is referred to as Big Data. The utilization of Big Data is being implemented with success in the private sector, yet the public sector seems to be falling behind despite the many potentials Big Data has already presented. In this regard, this paper explores ways in which the government can recognize the use of Big Data for official statistics. It begins by gathering and presenting Big Data-related initiatives and projects across the globe for various types and sources of Big Data implemented. Further, this paper discusses the opportunities, challenges, and risks associated with using Big Data, particularly in official statistics. This paper also aims to assess the current utilization of Big Data in the country through focus group discussions and key informant interviews. Based on desk review, discussions, and interviews, the paper then concludes with a proposed framework that provides ways in which Big Data may be utilized by the government to augment official statistics.


1987 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 444-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa

THE PORTUGUESE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS OF 19 JULY 1987 initiated a profound change in the Portuguese party system and in the system of government. From 1974 onwards, Portugal had moved peacefully towards a democratic political system, enshrined in the 1976 Constitution. This evolution lasted about eight years and culminated in the revision of the Constitution in 1982. From 1982 onwards the present political regime has been a democratic one, coexisting with a capitalist economic regime attenuated by state monopoly in key sectors and by public companies which were nationalized between 1974 and 1976. It is also since 1982 that the system of government has been semi-presidential. There is pure representativeness as referendums do not exist at national level and have never been regulated at local level. But the government is semi-presidential in the sense that, owing to French influence, it attempts to balance Parliament with the election of the President of the Republic by direct and universal suffrage.


Author(s):  
Mirza Mehmedović

In the middle of the second decade of the twenty-first century, Bosnia and Herzegovina is at the crossroads of political, economic and cultural revitalization of the society as a country that declarative aims for application of European principles of political organization and the membership in the European Union. On this way there are many open issues that are the result of twenty years of political and economic stagnation or collapse of all elements that should be the foundation for the stabilization of a modern democratic society in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The internal reconstruction of the political system and the revitalisation of the institutions of the government or different holders of political reforms means at the same time the fulfilment of the conditions of accession to Euro-Atlantic integration. The development of a unified media policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the establishment of public media service in accordance with the requirements of the European Union and the interests of all citizens are the top issues among the many current challenges that we have to deal with in the future. But for Bosnia and Herzegovina it is not exclusively the interest of communicational research. It must be necessarily seen in the wider context as a political, cultural and economic issue, because the establishment of a single media/communication system is one of the key requirements for a political compromise, the integration of society and the harmonization of other common (primarily economic) interests for all citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. One of the key requirements for defining a unified media policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina is agreeing / reconciliation of all complex (heterogeneous) cultural characteristics, as well as the specific characteristics of modern communication situation in a model that would respond to the specific information needs of citizens and the standards applied by the European Union.


Significance This places two-thirds of Ukrainian regions under the most stringent COVID-19 restrictions. In its second pandemic autumn, Ukraine is performing poorly because this year's vaccination programme has been slow to pick up, until a recent acceleration prompted by tougher restrictions. Vaccine hesitancy has been compounded by a scandal involving fake certificates. Impacts The government will blame the COVID-19 surge for poor macroeconomic performance. President Zelensky's standing will be largely unaffected, as responsibility for restrictions is mostly devolved to regions. COVID-19 will not sideline the many challenges facing the government, currently reflected in an emerging cabinet reshuffle.


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