Chief Justice Sandile Ngcobo’s Separation of Powers Jurisprudence

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1&2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mtendeweka Mhango

This article examines Justice Ngcobo’s profound contribution to the development of the foundational jurisprudence on separation of powers in South Africa. The article is premised on the fact that Ngcobo can be better understood in the context of his contribution to the foundational jurisprudence. In this way, we will better comprehend how Ngcobo’s jurisprudence fits into our contemporary understanding of the Constitution. The key question this article seeks to investigate is to what extent has Ngcobo’s jurisprudence on separation of powers has impacted or shaped South African constitutional law. The article specifically investigates whether, in his contribution to the constitutional jurisprudence on separation of powers, Ngcobo developed a political question doctrine theory for South Africa. I find that he did, and that while Justice Ngcobo’s political question jurisprudence was not clearly articulated or endorsed by the majority of the Justices while he was on the bench, the Constitutional Court has recently unanimously endorsed some of his political question doctrine theories and arguments thereby crystallising the political question theory in South Africa. The article examines Ngcobo’s contribution through the lens of the judgments that he penned as well as his academic commentaries

2021 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mtendeweka Mhango

In this article, I critically examine the constitutional provisions governing the removal of the National Director of Public Prosecutions. This examination is undertaken in the context of recent decisions by the High Court in Corruption Watch (RF) NPC and Another v President of the Republic of South Africa and Others; Council for the Advancement of the South African Constitution v President of the Republic of South Africa and Others [2018] 1 All SA 471 (GP); 2018 (1) SACR 317 (GP) and the Constitutional Court in Corruption Watch NPC and Others v President of the Republic of South Africa and Others [2018] ZACC 23, which found certain provisions of the National Prosecuting Authority Act 32 of 1998, which governs the removal of the National Director, unconstitutional. The article is critical of these two court decisions for their failure to properly justify the order to invalidate the provisions of the National Prosecuting Authority Act and to provide a proper account of the different separation of powers imperatives involved in the cases. The article is also critical of the Constitutional Court’s approach to the abstract review of the sections in the National Prosecuting Authority Act, and of its suspension of the order of invalidity in a manner which took no due regard to established jurisprudence. Lastly, the article is critical of the Constitutional Court’s omission to address the High Court order that the Deputy President should appoint the National Director, which runs counter to the text of the Constitution.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mtendeweka Mhango

This article describes the development and current status of the political question doctrine theme in South African jurisprudence. It does this through a comparative discussion of the application of this doctrine in the United States. The purpose of this comparative examination is twofold: the first is to gain insight into the origins, trends and early application of the political question doctrine. The second is to gain insight into the challenges and best practices in relation to the application of the political question doctrine elsewhere. The paper argues that while the political question doctrine theme exists in South African jurisprudence, this has not matured into a clear and transparent doctrine. It calls for the development of a clear doctrine for South Africa and offers some recommendations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1&2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maropeng Mpya ◽  
Nomthandazo Ntlama

The importance of co-operative governance is strengthened by the authority vested in the judiciary—to ensure the judicial review of any conduct, rule or law that runs contrary to the prescripts of the envisaged collaborative relations. Of particular significance is the establishment of the Constitutional Court, where retired Chief Justice Ngcobo distinguished himself as an independent thinker, within the limitations of judicial authority, in advancing the principles of co-operative governance. His rich intellect demonstrates an alternative way of arriving at the constitutionalised South African jurisprudence that has spanned twenty-two years of democracy in regulating public authority. This article reviews and provides an account of Justice Ngcobo’s selected case law in the judicial enforcement of the principles of co-operative governance. The objective is to give impetus to the advancement of an unwavering commitment and a well thought-out, futuristic and progressive outlook on the evolution of South African jurisprudence. These were motivated by a zeal to establish his deep-rooted philosophy that informed his thoughts in judicial reasoning. The motivation raises a question that is intended to help determine whether his contribution has shifted the culture of dictatorship of the pre-democratic dispensation to the affirmation of the principles of constitutional supremacy in a way that befits the general populace affected by the different spheres of government.


2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 249-264
Author(s):  
Mtendeweka Mhango

Abstract In Uganda, courts have considered and applied the political question doctrine since the 1960s. This article examines the case law development and trends in the application of the political question doctrine theme in Ugandan jurisprudence. This article discusses the history of the political question doctrine in Uganda. It examines the case law developments and trends around the application of that doctrine in Uganda, and argues that the doctrine is undoubtedly part of the constitutional law of Uganda.


1997 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 744-758
Author(s):  
John Dugard

In 1993 the South African Parliament adopted an Interim Constitution which came into effect on April 27, 1994 [33 I.L.M. 1043 (1994)]. This Constitution, which brought to an end 40 years of apartheid, was negotiated by political groups which in most instances were unelected and simply reflected the political realities of the time. For this reason it was approved only as an Interim Constitution pending the adoption of a final Constitution by a democratically elected Parliament sitting as a Constitutional Assembly. However, as the 1993 Interim Constitution was a political compromise between rival groups, it was agreed that the final Constitution would have to comply with 34 Constitutional Principles contained in the 1993 Constitution and that a Constitutional Court would be empowered to pronounce on the compliance of the final Constitution with these principles.


Author(s):  
Elmarie Van der Schyff

“Constitutional interpretation” has become the focus point of all lawyers and academics interested in the development of Constitutional Law in South Africa.  But far more important than mere interest, is the practical application of the Constitution in every matter handled by lawyers and presided over by presiding officers. Words, phrases and ideas, foreign to the Roman-Dutch judicial system, have entered our jurisprudence. New concepts have emerged and old, familiar concepts have been re-defined. It is essential to define these new concepts. The guidelines for this interpretation process, laid down by the Higher Courts, specifically the Constitutional Court, are indispensable for the development of Constitutional Law in South Africa.


1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 21-28
Author(s):  
Cynthia H. Enloe

Virtually all of the literature concerning the politics of South Africa analyzes the dynamics of that system within the frameworks of racism, authoritarianism, and repression. Yet, strangely, the political institution which is necessarily the bulwark of such a system—the military—has attracted scant attention except in terms of strategy and armaments.


Obiter ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mokgadi Margaret Mokgokong ◽  
Moses Retselisitsoe Phooko

The history of South Africa is an unpleasant one. It was a society based on racial segregation with the promotion of Afrikaner culture and the Afrikaans language above all other languages. This can be traced to the architect of apartheid, the Afrikaner National Party, which introduced apartheid. Afrikaans-speaking people, through the Afrikaner National Party, dominated South Africa politically. Their language too, was promoted above all other languages. For example, Afrikaans enjoyed more privileges than other languages in that it was used for drafting laws, as the language of record in the courts and was also the only compulsory subject for learning. The apartheid government, through its racial policies, used the Afrikaans language as a tool to control Black South Africans in almost all spheres of life, including education, which had to be undertaken in Afrikaans. It is therefore no surprise that there were five universities that offered education mainly in Afrikaans. These are Stellenbosch University, University of the Free State, University of Pretoria, Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education (now North-West University) and Randse Afrikaanse Universiteit (now University of Johannesburg). The use of the Afrikaans language as an instrument for social control was not sustainable. The new constitutional dispensation ushered in an era wherein respect for fundamental human rights and freedoms is at the top of the South African agenda. The right to further education is constitutionally recognised in section 29(1)(b) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. Section 29(2) of the Constitution further recognises and embraces the diversity of South African society and provides that “everyone has the right to receive education in the official language or languages of their choice in public education institutions where that education is reasonably practicable” (s 29(b) of the Constitution). The State has an obligation to take reasonable measures on a progressive basis to ensure that further education is available and accessible (s 29(1)(b) of the Constitution). In ensuring “effective access to and implementation” of the right to further education, It is notable that, in its endeavour to make further education available and accessible, the State is required to consider several factors such as language policies. In an effort to facilitate the realisation of the right to further education, the Higher Education Act (101 of 1997) was enacted in order inter alia to “redress past discrimination and ensure representivity and equal access to higher education institutions” (preamble to the Act).In the UFS case (CC), the Constitutional Court applied section 29(1)(b) of the Constitution, which provides for the right to further education and the “right to receive education in the official language or languages of [one’s] choice”. This note centres on this decision and seeks to critically discuss and analyse both the majority and minority decisions of the Constitutional Court. The question presented is whether the Constitutional Court has given the public a solution to the issue surrounding the use of either Afrikaans or English as a language medium of instruction in the higher education sector and what the effect of this has been on the development of other languages. The case note is divided into five sections. The facts of the case, the issues put before the court for consideration and the finding of the court are discussed in part 2. Part 3 contains an analysis of the minority and majority judgments. Part 4 considers whether the court has given us any solutions. Part 5 sets out the authors’ recommendations and their conclusions.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Blair Rutherford

Abstract This paper examines Zimbabwean immigrants in northern South Africa and the ways through which they are able to claim, or not, some form of belonging. Drawing on the concept of “political subjectivity”, I trace the changes in the power relations shaping the forms of belonging operating on the commercial farms and the border town of Musina since 2000 and the concomitant shifts in some of the Zimbabweans’ tactics in these spaces. In particular, I look at the political subjectivities of “Zimbabwean farm workers” and “Zimbabwean woman asylum-seekers”. This analysis shows what particular imaginaries have become authoritative for differently situated Zimbabwean immigrants and denizens in this region, enabling particular claims for resources, accommodation, and belonging.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nomthandazo Ntlama

ABSTRACT The article examines the implications of the judgment of the Constitutional Court in Helen Suzman Foundation v Judicial Service Commission 2018 (7) BCLR 763 (CC) 8 on the functioning of the Judicial Service Commission (JSC). The judgment has brought to the fore a new lease of life relating to the JSC's post-interview deliberations as a disclosable record in terms of Rule 53(1)(b) of the Uniform Rules of Court. The disclosure seeks to provide an insight into the decision-making process of the JSC in the appointment of judicial officers in South Africa. It is argued that the judgment is two-pronged: first, the disclosure of the post-interview record enhances the culture of justification for decisions taken, which advances the foundational values of the new democratic dispensation; secondly, it creates uncertainty about the future management and protection of the JSC processes in the undertaking of robust debates on the post-interview deliberations. It then questions whether the JSC members will be privileged in their engagement with the suitability of the candidates to be recommended for appointment by the President. The question is raised against the uncertainty about which decision of the JSC will be challenged that will need the disclosure of the record because the judgment does not entail the national disclosure of the record in respect of each candidate but applies only when there is an application for review of the JSC decision. Key words: Judicial Service Commission, appointments, discretion, judiciary, independence, rule of law, discretion, accountability, transparency, human rights.


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