scholarly journals Social Movement Literature and U.S. Labour: A Reassessment

2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-179
Author(s):  
Keith Mann

Largely due to its conservative profile at the time, the U.S. labour movement was largely absent from modern social movement literature as it developed in response to the new social movements of the 1960s and 1970s. Recent labour mobilizations such as the Wisconsin uprising and the Chicago Teachers’ strike have been part of the current international cycle of protest that includes the Arab Spring, the antiausterity movements in Greece and Spain, and Occupy Wall Street. These struggles suggest that a new labour movement is emerging that shares many common features with new social movements. This article offers a general analysis of these and other contemporary labour struggles in light of contemporary modern social movement literature. It also critically reviews assumptions about the labour movement of the 1960s and 1970s and reexamines several social movement concepts.

2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172093604
Author(s):  
Luke Yates

Recent work historicises and theoretically refines the concept of prefigurative politics. Yet disagreements over the question of whether or how it is politically effective remain. What roles does prefiguration play in strategies of transformation, and what implications does it have for understandings of strategy? The article begins to answer this question by tracking the concept’s use, from discussions of left strategy in the 1960s, a qualifier of new social movements in the 1980s–1990s, its application to protest events in the 2000s, to its contemporary proliferation of meanings. This contextualises reflections on the changing arguments about the roles of prefiguration in social movement strategy. Based on literature about strategy, three essential categories of applied movement strategy are identified: reproduction, mobilisation and coordination. Prefigurative dynamics are part of all three, showing that the reproduction of movements is strategically significant, while the coordination of movements can take various ‘prefigurative’ forms.


2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 23-42
Author(s):  
Bartosz Ślósarski

This article provides a comparative analysis of the functioning of direct democracy within two social movements, operating in different socio-cultural conditions: the American student movement of the 1960s, and the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) move ment of 2011. The author assumes that the idea of direct democracy is evolving in terms of tactics and consistently developing in the course of succeeding social movements and struggles. To prove the point, the author analyzes student counter-culture organizations and OWS in regard to their relation to violence, the idea of alternative governance by the social movement, human relations inside the movement, and the concept of the enemy in respect to which the alternative is being formed.


Author(s):  
Cristina Nunes

Departing from the notion of social movement advanced by the theories of resource mobilization, political process and new social movements, the article aims to trace different analytical paths traversed by the studies on social movements and collective action. In this discussion it’s considered the hypothesis that over the past few decades, as the macro-structural approaches were giving way to contributions more focused on the micro-social processes and features of social movements, the debate around the concept of social movement may have lost the relevance assumed by earlier analysis developed during the 1960s and 1970s.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Howard

The theory and practice of the radical community, and a capacity for self-organisation, demonstrates the ability to control the symbols and language of society, to define new conventions of meaning, and to offer alternative reasons and explanations for action. However, the predominant sociological account of Italian social movements of the 1960s and 1970s censures potentially relevant discursive practices of the radical community. This is evidenced by the lack of diversity amongst the epistemic sources of Anglo American Social Movement Theory (SMT). The assumptions in play in disciplinary thought disqualify the practice and theory of radical social movements as a credible mode of analysis of the social and political condition. Ultimately, this discounts the radical subject as knowledge producer. By reflecting on my personal experience of conducting doctoral research at three key community archives in Italy I contemplate an alternative approach, which considers the valence of these radical communities as essentially epistemological and not simply ‘political’, or social.


Author(s):  
Fred Powell

Modernisation produced a collision of incompatible ways of life in Ireland. The resulting ‘cultural collisions’ between local and global, modern and traditional, religious and secular, urban and rural — and most significantly personal and political — have produced a profound cultural transition, based on a search for liberty. During the 1960s and 1970s, the rise of new social movements unleashed demands for greater personal liberty in the form of a relaxation of moral codes (notably in relation to the control of sexuality), of censorship, and of restrictions on personal freedom. This chapter explores the role of new social movements as agents of change and transformation, and examines how they contributed to a more open society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 847-886 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine A. DeCelles ◽  
Scott Sonenshein ◽  
Brayden G. King

We theorize that anger incited by a social movement, which has a mobilizing effect among outsider activists, might immobilize collective action intentions for institutional insiders—those sympathetic to the movement and employed by its target. We conducted initial field surveys across a spectrum of social movements, including Occupy Wall Street and #metoo, as well as those related to business sustainability and gun control, which showed that institutional insiders are often just as angry as outsider activists. But the evidence from those surveys did not show that social movement anger translated into collective action intentions among institutional insiders. We tested our theory deductively with an experiment conducted with participants who were supportive of social movement issues in their organizations. Overall, our results show that anger about a social movement issue relates to greater collective action intentions among outsider activists but not among institutional insiders. Instead of anger emboldening institutional insiders to act despite the potential costs, anger triggers fear about the potential negative consequences of collective action in the workplace, which in turn results in withdrawal. While social movements often rely on anger frames to mobilize sympathizers, our work suggests that this practice may paradoxically cause fear that immobilizes those uniquely positioned to be able to influence organizations to change.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Paula Balthazar Tostes ◽  
Lucca Viersa Barros Silva

Após um longo período em que movimentos sociais pareciam estar em retração, desde o fim do ano de 2010 as sociedades civis em diversos países, com focos e dinâmicas diferentes, foram para as ruas. Neste artigo analisa-se dois movimentos advindos desse período de protestos, o Occupy Wall Street ocorrido nos Estados Unidos, e o movimentos dos Indignados (ou Movimento 15M) na Espanha. O objetivo desse artigo é contribuir para reflexão sobre as trajetórias distintas, mas em certa medida bem-sucedidas de dois movimentos sociais anti sistêmicos. Primeiro, o Movimento dos Indignados na Espanha, que se organizou e se institucionalizou, dando origem ao partido político Podemos. Segundo, o Occupy Wall Street, que não se desdobrou em um novo partido político, no entanto pode ser atribuído em parte à força política do senador Bernie Sanders nas eleições primarias do partido Democrata nos Estados Unidos em 2016.ABSTRACTAfter a long period in which social movements seemed to be in retraction,  since 2010 civil societies in many countries, with different focuses and dynamics, took the streets. Since the Arab Spring events until the manifestations in the US, Spain and even later in Brazil drove social scientists to continue with the social movements theme in search for the attempt to understand the protest and nonpartisan popular manifestations' reasons, impacts, differences and dynamics that took place over these years. This article analyzes two movements derived from this protest period, the Occupy Wall Street which happened in the US, and the “Indignados” movement (or 15M movement) in Spain. This article's goal is to contribute to the reflexion on the distinct path, but in a certain way well-succeeded of two anti-systemic movements that became popular, in particular from 2013. First, the “Indiganados” movement in Spain, which got organized and institucionalyzed and gave rise to the political party Podemos. Second, Occupy Wall Street, which didn't unfold into a new political party, but can be partially attributed to Bernie Sanders political strenght in the presidential primary elections of the Democratic party in the US in 2016.Palavras-chave: movimentos sociais; Occupy; Indignados; 15M; Podemos, eleições nos EUAKeywords: social movements; Occupy; Indignados; 15M; Podemos; elections in US DOI: 10.12957/rmi.2015.23761Recebido em 15 de Janeiro de 2016 | Received on January 15, 2016Aceito e, 28 de Janeiro de 2016 | Accepted January 28, 2016.   


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 237802311770065 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam D. Reich

The relationship between social movements and formal organizations has long been a concern to scholars of collective action. Many have argued that social movement organizations (SMOs) provide resources that facilitate movement emergence, while others have highlighted the ways in which SMOs institutionalize or coopt movement goals. Through an examination of the relationship between Occupy Wall Street and the field of SMOs in New York City, this article illustrates a third possibility: that a moment of insurgency becomes a more enduring movement in part through the changes it induces in the relations among the SMOs in its orbit.


2007 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 423-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
RICHARD WHITING

In the 1960s and 1970s both Conservative and Labour governments passed novel laws dealing with the rights of individuals at work. Overshadowed by conflicts over collective labour law, the political significance of this legislation has remained unexplored. This article suggests that the legislation struck a balance between recognizing the complexity of work in a modern society, and preserving managerial authority. It also argues that the reforms served a Conservative agenda in rooting an individual interest in work in a legal process. This was part of a pivotal challenge to the system of voluntary collective bargaining that had traditionally benefited the labour movement.


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