scholarly journals Władza społeczna — alternatywa w czasach kryzysu

2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 23-42
Author(s):  
Bartosz Ślósarski
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Occupy Wall Street ◽  
American Student ◽  
Human Relations ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Cultural Conditions ◽  
The Social ◽  
Counter Culture ◽  
The 1960S

This article provides a comparative analysis of the functioning of direct democracy within two social movements, operating in different socio-cultural conditions: the American student movement of the 1960s, and the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) move ment of 2011. The author assumes that the idea of direct democracy is evolving in terms of tactics and consistently developing in the course of succeeding social movements and struggles. To prove the point, the author analyzes student counter-culture organizations and OWS in regard to their relation to violence, the idea of alternative governance by the social movement, human relations inside the movement, and the concept of the enemy in respect to which the alternative is being formed.

scholarly journals Social Movement Literature and U.S. Labour: A Reassessment

2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-179
Author(s):  
Keith Mann
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Occupy Wall Street ◽  
New Social Movements ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Common Features ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Arab Spring

Largely due to its conservative profile at the time, the U.S. labour movement was largely absent from modern social movement literature as it developed in response to the new social movements of the 1960s and 1970s. Recent labour mobilizations such as the Wisconsin uprising and the Chicago Teachers’ strike have been part of the current international cycle of protest that includes the Arab Spring, the antiausterity movements in Greece and Spain, and Occupy Wall Street. These struggles suggest that a new labour movement is emerging that shares many common features with new social movements. This article offers a general analysis of these and other contemporary labour struggles in light of contemporary modern social movement literature. It also critically reviews assumptions about the labour movement of the 1960s and 1970s and reexamines several social movement concepts.

Rethinking powers of political: The national emergency and the J. P. movement in Rahi Masoom Raza’s Katra Bi Arzoo

2020 ◽  
pp. 002198942091594
Author(s):  
Bharti Arora
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Structure ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Human Relations ◽  
The Social ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
P Movement ◽  
National Emergency ◽  
Ethics And Politics

In this reading of Rahi Masoom Raza’s Katra Bi Arzoo (1978), the article proposes that the imposition of the National Emergency in India on 25–26 June 1975 should be perceived in the light of the politics of the preceding decades. The 1960s and early 1970s were riven by social movements such as the Naxalite movement, the women’s movement, and especially the J. P. movement. In highlighting this context, the article argues that Raza’s novel cognitively registers the making and unmaking of these sociopolitical movements to contest the dominant trajectories of Nehruvian developmentalism and its attendant processes of nation making. The fiction inscribes an alternative, performative aspect of the nation which has been marginalized by the grand rhetoric and dominant historiography of the nation state. Such an engagement will help locate the selected fiction in the interstices between ethics and politics so pertinent to the discourses on and around the social movements of 1970s. As Jessica Berman suggests: “Ethics as an attitude or activity within the sphere of community, rather than a set of common principles or a narrative domain, becomes essential to the ordering of our lives together, and to the ‘ensemble of human relations in their real, social structure’ that we might call politics” (2011: 25).

scholarly journals Das praças para as urnas: movimentos dos Indignados e Occupy Wall Street | From squares to ballot: “Indignados” movement and Occupy Wall Street

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Paula Balthazar Tostes ◽  
Lucca Viersa Barros Silva
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Occupy Wall Street ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Presidential Primary ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Arab Spring

Após um longo período em que movimentos sociais pareciam estar em retração, desde o fim do ano de 2010 as sociedades civis em diversos países, com focos e dinâmicas diferentes, foram para as ruas. Neste artigo analisa-se dois movimentos advindos desse período de protestos, o Occupy Wall Street ocorrido nos Estados Unidos, e o movimentos dos Indignados (ou Movimento 15M) na Espanha. O objetivo desse artigo é contribuir para reflexão sobre as trajetórias distintas, mas em certa medida bem-sucedidas de dois movimentos sociais anti sistêmicos. Primeiro, o Movimento dos Indignados na Espanha, que se organizou e se institucionalizou, dando origem ao partido político Podemos. Segundo, o Occupy Wall Street, que não se desdobrou em um novo partido político, no entanto pode ser atribuído em parte à força política do senador Bernie Sanders nas eleições primarias do partido Democrata nos Estados Unidos em 2016.ABSTRACTAfter a long period in which social movements seemed to be in retraction,  since 2010 civil societies in many countries, with different focuses and dynamics, took the streets. Since the Arab Spring events until the manifestations in the US, Spain and even later in Brazil drove social scientists to continue with the social movements theme in search for the attempt to understand the protest and nonpartisan popular manifestations' reasons, impacts, differences and dynamics that took place over these years. This article analyzes two movements derived from this protest period, the Occupy Wall Street which happened in the US, and the “Indignados” movement (or 15M movement) in Spain. This article's goal is to contribute to the reflexion on the distinct path, but in a certain way well-succeeded of two anti-systemic movements that became popular, in particular from 2013. First, the “Indiganados” movement in Spain, which got organized and institucionalyzed and gave rise to the political party Podemos. Second, Occupy Wall Street, which didn't unfold into a new political party, but can be partially attributed to Bernie Sanders political strenght in the presidential primary elections of the Democratic party in the US in 2016.Palavras-chave: movimentos sociais; Occupy; Indignados; 15M; Podemos, eleições nos EUAKeywords: social movements; Occupy; Indignados; 15M; Podemos; elections in US DOI: 10.12957/rmi.2015.23761Recebido em 15 de Janeiro de 2016 | Received on January 15, 2016Aceito e, 28 de Janeiro de 2016 | Accepted January 28, 2016.   

1968: Music as Rhetoric in Social Movements

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Mark Goodman ◽  
Stephen Brandon ◽  
Melody Fisher
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Rhetorical Criticism ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Social ◽  
Rhetorical Practice ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Rhetorical Force ◽  
Insight Into

<p>In 1968 social movements sparked rhetorical discourses which occurred in many nations and on hundreds of colleges and in communities across the United States.  These rhetorical discourses ultimately changed the direction of human events.  Sometimes these points of ideological protests shared views on specific issues, especially demonstrations against the Vietnam War, but each conflict was also its own local conflict.  There is no evidence that any specific group organized the protests, or that speakers motivated demonstrations, or that the rhetoric of one protest caused other protests.  Yet, the protests were not just spontaneous fires that happened to occur in the same year. So, how is it that so many protesters shared the desire for change and shared rhetoric, but each protest was sparked by local issues?  Answering that question provides insight into how the rhetoric of social movements occurred in 1968. </p><p>               Many scholars call for the study of the social movements of the 1960s.  Jensen (1996) argues, “The events of the 1960s dramatically increased the interest in studying social movements and forced rhetorical scholars to reconsider their methods for studying public discourse” (p. 28). To Lucas (2006), “Words became weapons in the cultural conflict that divided America” (x). Schippa (2001) wrote, “Many accounts identify the 1960s as a turning point. For better or for worse, there was a confluence of changing rhetorical practices, expanding rhetorical theories, and opportunities for rhetorical criticism. The cultural clashes of the 1960s were felt perhaps most acutely on college campuses. The sufficiency of deliberative argument and public address can be said to have been called into question, whether one was an antiwar activist who hated LBJ's war in Vietnam or a pro-establishment stalwart trying to make sense of the rhetoric of protest and demonstration. Years later, scholars would characterize war itself as rhetorical. What counted as rhetorical practice was up for grabs”(p. 261).</p>               First, this paper will frame the protest movement of 1968.  Then, we will search for the common factors that shaped the protests of 1968, focusing on the role of music. This analysis will provide insight into how music became a rhetorical force in a significant social movement of the 20th Century.

scholarly journals Effects of new social movements on different countries: Cases from Tunusia, Egypt, Turkiye and France

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 642-658
Author(s):  
Selim Çapar ◽  
Mehmet Koca
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Full Text ◽  
Social Life ◽  
High Capacity ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
English Summary ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Social ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Democratic Elections

Social movements, that have been conceptualized as new with serious transformations in their content and implementation since the 1960s, which have the potential to influence current political/social debates or decisions, has entered social life in a way that no one can easily ignore in terms of their effects. The increasing visibility and impact of social movements, especially since the 2000s, differ significantly depending on whether countries have established democracy or not. The social movements that are widespread throughout the country do not cause a radical change in the country's administration in countries with a built-in democracy culture and consciousness, like Turkey and France, through the examples of countries studied in this work. Because in these countries, there is a system in which demands could be reflected through democratic elections. On the other hand, in countries where democracy culture is not fully established, like Egypt and Tunisia, social movements are thought to have a high capacity to cause radical changes in the administration with the influence of different actors. ​Extended English summary is in the end of Full Text PDF (TURKISH) file.   Özet Güncel politik/toplumsal tartışmalara ya da kararlara yön vererek onları etkileme potansiyeline sahip olan ve 1960’lı yıllardan itibaren içeriğindeki ve uygulanış şeklindeki ciddi dönüşümler ile yeni olarak kavramsallaştırılan toplumsal hareketler etkileri itibariyle artık kimsenin kolayca göz ardı edemeyeceği bir şekilde toplumsal hayata girmiştir. Özellikle 2000’li yıllardan itibaren toplumsal hareketlerin artan görünürlüğü ve etkisi ise sonuçları itibariyle ülkelerin yerleşik bir demokrasiye sahip olup olmamasına göre önemli derecede farklılık arz etmektedir. Ülke genelinde yaygınlaşan toplumsal hareketler, bu çalışmada incelenen ülke örnekleri üzerinden yerleşik bir demokrasi kültürüne ve bilincine sahip olan ülkelerde –Türkiye ve Fransa gibi- ülke yönetiminde köklü bir değişikliğe sebep olmamaktadır. Çünkü bu ülkelerde demokratik seçimler yoluyla taleplerin yansıyacağı bir sistem bulunmaktadır. Öte yandan, demokrasi kültürü tam olarak yerleşmemiş ülkelerde –Mısır ve Tunus gibi- toplumsal hareketlerin farklı aktörlerin de etkisiyle yönetimde köklü değişikliklere yol açma kapasitesinin yüksek olduğu düşünülmektedir.

scholarly journals Modern Anarchism in Social Movements

2017 ◽  
pp. 71-88
Author(s):  
Clifford Baverel
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Occupy Wall Street ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Mouvements Sociaux ◽  
Xixe Siecle ◽  
Grand Public ◽  
Comme Base ◽  
Xixe Siècle

Le mouvement Occupy Wall Street, depuis ses débuts en 2011, a été relié à la théorie et à la pratique anarchiste par différents universitaires tels que David Graeber, Nathan Schneider et Mark Bray. Cependant, Occupy n’est pas un cas isolé dans l’histoire des mouvements sociaux. Le mouvement s’est développé à un moment où les manifestations des courants anti-néolibéral et pro-démocratie — à la fois locales et mondiales —, qui étaient apparues à la fin du XXe siècle, ont atteint un point culminant. En quelques années, des manifestations, des révoltes et des protestations sociales se sont répandues à travers le monde, au Nord comme au Sud. Cela va des printemps arabes en 2011 au mouvement de Gezi Park en 2013, en passant par les protestations en Grèce, le mouvement des Indignés et Occupy Wall Street. Cet article s’intéresse à la présence d’idées et de pratiques anarchistes au sein de ces mouvements, apparus au début des années 2010. Il s’appuie sur des études qui portent sur les aspects politico-économiques de ces mouvements. On pose comme hypothèse que si l’anarchisme est lié aux mouvements des années 2010 c’est au travers de ses valeurs et de ses pratiques politiques et économiques. En effet, la période qui précède les mouvements des années 2010 – –qui s’étale du milieu des années 1990 jusqu’en 2010 – a vu le développement des mouvements anti-néolibéral, altermondialiste et pro-démocratie. Ainsi, le point de contestation central qui caractérise ces mouvements – que l’on qualifiera de mouvements de la 3e vague – est donc bien politico-économique. Les études empiriques utilisées comme base de travail pour cet article ne montrent pas toutes de façon explicite le lien qui existe entre ces mouvements et l’anarchisme, mais elles révèlent cependant l’usage de pratiques politiques et économiques alternatives qui peuvent être considérées comme anarchisantes – proches des idées anarchistes sans le mentionner clairement. La présence d’idées et de pratiques anarchistes au sein des mouvements des années 2010 montre ainsi un lien avec la réémergence de l’anarchisme, sous la forme du post-anarchisme, depuis le milieu des années 1990 et dont le développement est étroitement lié au mouvement altermondialiste. Sous cette nouvelle forme, l’anarchisme a tendance à s’éloigner de son passé violent du XIXe siècle. Ainsi, même si l’anarchisme n’est pas mentionné comme tel dans la presse grand public, il existe au travers de nouveaux mouvements tels que l’alter-mondialisme et les expériences de démocratie directe.

scholarly journals Islamic "New Social Movements"? Radical Islam, AL-QA'IDA and Social Movement Theory

2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Sutton ◽  
Stephen Vertigans
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Unique Character ◽  
Radical Islam ◽  
Movement Organization ◽  
Key Characteristics ◽  
The Social ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
New Social Movement ◽  
Post Industrial

European new social movement (NSM) theory was developed to describe and explain the apparently unique character of the wave of collective action that began in the 1960s and continues to this day. Key characteristics of NSM theory are a post-industrial orientation, middle-class activist core, loose organizational form, use of symbolic direct actions, creation of new identities, and a "self-limiting radicalism." The theory's claims to movement innovation were later criticized by many as exaggerated and ahistorical. However, the filtering down of key NSM elements into social movement studies has led to changing definitions of what social movements actually are and opened up new opportunities for the integration of religious movements into the social movements mainstream. Using the case of radical Islam, and with particular reference to the terrorist social movement organization al-Qa'ida, this article argues that drawing on key features of NSM theory should lead to a better understanding of radical Islam as well as a more realistic explanation of its continuing development and transformation.

Governance: Democracy All the Way Down

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Occupy Wall Street ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Media System ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
The World ◽  
The Media ◽  
Prefigurative Politics

This chapter examines indymedia's multilayered, transnational application of direct democracy, which in many ways anticipates and sets the stage for Occupy Wall Street. It focuses on the ways that democracy is understood and enacted by indymedia activists—from the development of an open media system where anyone can speak (democratizing the media), to the preference for consensus-based decision making (democratic governance), and the belief that activists must develop the structures, processes, and relationships within the movement that they aim to achieve in the world (prefigurative politics). Seen from this vantage, for indymedia activists democracy is multivalent, standing in as the end goal of a new society, a revolutionary tool to remake that society, and the everyday practice that allows for innovation and new forms of collective power.

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