scholarly journals Kant and the Problem of Unequal Enforcement of Law

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Koltonski

According to Kant’s assurance argument, I am not bound in the state of nature to restrain myself from violating your rights, for I cannot be confident that you will similarly restrain yourself when it comes to my rights. Our status as equals requires that, if I am to be bound to respect your rights, I must have assurance that you will similarly respect mine, and this assurance is something that can only be provided by some entity whose coercive power over us is not only clearly dominant over us both but also directed at us equally. I argue that Kant’s assurance argument provides the basis for an important challenge to the American legal system’s claim to legitimate authority. This is, in one sense, a surprising result, since Kant is infamous for holding a particularly undemanding conception of legitimacy. I use the example of wage and hour laws: though the law define a worker’s wage rights, the legal system fails to enforce them against employers, thus leaving the worker without the assurance of the security of her rights that, on Kant’s assurance argument, she is entitled as a free and equal citizen.

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-172
Author(s):  
Gabriele Schneider

Foundations, as permanent funds established by a certain legal act, can serve manifold purposes, but often pursue charitable goals. As such, they play an important role for the public good. Therefore, states always had an interest in fostering foundations by providing a pertinent legal framework. In Austria, this topic has not yet been the focus of scholarship. Through this study some light is shed on the implementation of the law on foundations in the Habsburg Monarchy. It focuses on the role of the state and its legal system regarding the regulation and supervision of foundations from 1750 to 1918. This period is characterized by the sovereigns’ endeavor to regulate the position of foundations via extensive legislation. In particular, a system of oversight for foundations was created in order to guarantee the attainment of their charitable goals. In fact, this system prevailed until the end of the 20thcentury.


Author(s):  
Marc Galanter
Keyword(s):  
System P ◽  
The Law ◽  
Do So ◽  

This article proposes some conjectures about the way in which the basic architecture of the legal system creates and limits the possibilities of using the system as a means of redistributive change. Specifically, the question is under what conditions litigation can be redistributive, taking litigation in the broadest sense of the presentation of claims to be decided by courts. Because of differences in their size, differences in the state of the law, and differences in their resources, some of the actors in society have many occasions to utilize the courts; others do so only rarely. One can divide these actors into those claimants who have only occasional recourse to the courts (one-shotters) and repeat players who are engaged in many similar litigations over time. The article then looks at alternatives to the official litigation system.


Author(s):  
Carlos Góómez-Jara Dííez

At the beginning of the twenty-first century two legal concepts linking citizen/enemy status with criminal law have provoked heated discussion both in Europe and in the United States. The American concept, i.e., Enemy Combatants, has been basically developed by the U.S. Supreme Court and more recently by the Bush administration. The European term, Feindstrafrecht/Enemy Criminal Law, has been fundamentally coined and explained by leading German academic Professor Güünther Jakobs. Though born and raised by different parents, the two concepts have numerous aspects in common, or at least this will be argued throughout the paper. The most important common ground is that both concepts, with similar terminology, try to address the problem of what to do with individuals who are viewed as sources of extreme dangerousness. Put differently, they both tackle the question of whether citizenship-in a broad sense-concedes certain rights but imposes a fundamental duty: to have a minimum of law-abiding behavior. If the duty is not fulfilled, then the rights are not acknowledged and the individual is treated as an enemy, not as a citizen. The underlying reasoning oozes social contract theory. This is not by chance, as great philosophers (Rousseau, Fichte, Hobbes, Kant) have employed similar arguments that are briefly sketched in the essay. There are also references to the legal theory behind the scenes predicating that in order for legal constructions to exist (rights, the State), they need to be followed by most people. Hence such a duty to comply, in general terms, with the law is imposed upon all persons. If not, law would be just daydreaming. Strong and consistent as all these arguments sound, the basic problem with this type of reasoning is that it is hard for the legal system to follow without entering into self-contradiction. In this light, criticism will be brought by one of the most prominent social theories of the time, i.e., systems theory, arguing that law-abiding behavior is a precondition for legal institutions to exist, yes, but it cannot be secured by law itself. It is a precondition that has to be presupposed by the legal system. Moreover, using this kind of necessity rule, i.e., the State and the Law need to secure the preconditions of their own existence (self-preservation), entails a diabolic logic as it may lead to the destruction of the system itself. To this extent, self-preservation against external threats (terrorist attacks) and internal threats (curtailment of civil liberties) seems equally important. The essay finishes with some proposals for resolving this delicate matter, trying to reflect a keen sense of balance and forward-looking thinking.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 126-136
Author(s):  
S. A. Mosin

The subject. The article is devoted to the study of the trinity of properties of constitutional principles.The purpose of the article is to confirm the hypothesis that constitutional principles, often perceived by researchers and law enforcement officials as abstract norms with declarative content, are in fact full-fledged legal institutions that are endowed with all the necessary properties to achieve constitutional goals. In this regard, the article analyzes the property of axiomaticity, the property of presumptivity and the property of fictitiousness of constitutional principles.The methodology. The systemic-structural, comparative, formal-legal and formal-logical methods made it possible to identify and characterize the properties of constitutional principles, such as axiomaticity, presumptivity and fictitiousness. The use of these methods in their combination predetermined the appeal not only to topical problems of constitutional law, but also to issues of the theory of law, as well as other branches of law, which made it possible to most objectively and comprehensively approach the study of the properties of constitutional principles.The main results of the research. The trinity of the properties of the constitutional principle lies in the fact that the constitutional principle formulates the basic rule and determines the direction of development of the legal system and thereby has the property of axiomaticity. At the same time, the constitutional principle has the property of presumptivity due to the duty of the law enforcement officer to proceed from the assumption of compliance with the provisions of such a principle by all subjects of legal relations. Thereby constitutional principle ensures the necessary stability of the legal system of the state. At the same time, in order to achieve full-fledged stability of the legal system, along with the assumption that the subjects of legal relations comply with the provisions of the constitutional principles, it should be possible to monitor such compliance. In the absence of prior control over compliance with the provisions of the law, the solution is the application of legal presumptions. In this regard, within the framework of the presumptive property of constitutional principles, constitutional presumptions are inextricably linked with the corresponding constitutional principles. In turn, having the property of fictitiousness, the constitutional principle allows to interpret the provisions that make up such a constitutional principle and, as a result, create the necessary regulatory legal framework.Conclusions. Constitutional principles are the driving force of the legal system. They fill all legal relations without exception with legal meaning and content and have a special meaning due to their irreplaceability and the obligation to strictly observe them. In turn, the trinity of properties of the constitutional principles reflects their legal essence as fundamental normative provisions that determine the generally binding basic rules and directions of the development of the legal system, ensure the stability of the legal system of the state, and also have the possibility of timely development and adaptation to the changing legal reality.


Hypatia ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 370-385
Author(s):  
Luara Ferracioli

Philosophical anarchists have made their living criticizing theories of state legitimacy and the duty to obey the law. The most prominent theories of state legitimacy have been called into doubt by the anarchists' insistence that citizens' lack of consent to the state renders the whole justificatory enterprise futile. Autonomy requires consent, they argue, and justification must respect autonomy. In this essay, I want to call into question the weight of consent in protecting our capacity for autonomy. I argue that if we care about all of the preconditions for autonomy, then we have good reasons to leave the state of nature. This leaves the philosophical anarchist with a dilemma. If she truly cares about autonomy, then she must welcome the state. But if she wants to deny the legitimacy of the state because of the value of consent, then she needs to downplay the moral significance of autonomy in people's lives. If autonomy matters, the state does too. If it doesn't, then consent doesn't. The philosophical anarchist can't have it both ways.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peg Birmingham

The institution of Hobbes’ Leviathan is marked by the transformation of cunning, equally shared by all in the state of nature, into a rational, sovereign politics. The question I take up here by way of Machiavelli and two of his contemporary readers, Derrida and Lefort, what if cunning was politicized rather than replaced by sovereign reason? In other words, what if cunning, a complex political deception, was not abandoned or given over to the sovereign? I argue that Lefort’s reading of Machiavelli, embracing as it does the central role of a shared cunning or ruse between the people and the prince, offers valuable resources for thinking the foundation of political authority for a secular democratic politics, while in contrast, Derrida’s critique of Machiavelli’s cunning illuminates why he is not able to escape a sovereign, theological foundation for political authority and the law.


Philosophy ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael McGhee

There is a dichotomy in the Humean thought that morality is more properly felt than judged of. The idea of a moral sensibility with an epistemic and rational content is grounded in the experience of the state of nature, and a distinction made between a defensive and a constructive morality, constituted by a set of motivations, against the law of the strongest, and protective of the relationships of education and creative work, exclusion from which undermines the conditions for a constructive morality. Aesthetic education is a means of overcoming the sectarianism of defensive morality.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Wahyu Mukti Beny Setiyawan ◽  
Fitriya Desi Wulandari

Law politic present at the point of encounter between living realism and the demands ofidealism. Political law concerns on an ideal or hope, then there is a legal vision that is setin advance, then the form and content of the law are built to realize that vision. Theurgency existence of administrative justice in realizing the rule of law encourages thegovernment to establish a legal system in the field of administrative justice through theestablishment of Law Number 51986 about State Administrative Courts, which is thefoundation for the establishment of a State Administrative Court in Indonesia. In theexplanation of Law Number 5 of 1986 stated that the State Administrative Court was heldin order to provide protection to the people seeking justice, which felt themselves to beharmed by a State Administrative Decision. Principly, a country is expected to giveprotection for the human rights of its citizens


2016 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ratna Juwita

AbstractIndonesia ratified the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) through the Law number 7 of 2006. Article 33 of the UNCAC legally obliges the State Parties to provide protection to whistleblowers. The existence of whistleblower is pivotal to uncover the hidden practices of corruption. Anti-corruption strategy encourages whistleblowers to unveil corrupt practices to the law enforcement agencies and public. Due to this task, therefore, whistleblowers must be protected from any kind of retaliation. Indonesia has the Law number 13 of 2006 juncto the Law number 31 of 2014 concerning witness and victim protection which regulates the protection of whistleblower in the Indonesian criminal legal system. This paper analyzes existence of legal protection for whistleblowers in the respective provisions which contained within the Law number 13 of 2006 and the Law number 31 of 2014, specifically on anti-retaliation protection by analyzing the synchronization of the law with Article 33 of the UNCAC. The provisions of national law vis-à-vis with the provisions of UNCAC concerning whistleblower protection, the national law has not provided best protection to whistleblower yet due to the possibility of retaliation be made against the whistleblowers that is not regulated by the national law.Keywords: Indonesia, corruption, whistleblower, United Nations Convention Against Corruption.IntisariIndonesia meratifikasi United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC) melalui Undang-undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2006. Pasal 33 UNCAC memberikan kewajiban hukum bagi Negara Pihak untuk menyediakan perlindungan terhadap para whistleblowers. Eksistensi whistleblower merupakan hal yang sangat penting untuk membuka praktek tersembunyi korupsi. Strategi anti-korupsi memberikan dorongan bagi para whistleblower untuk membuka praktek-praktek korupsi kepada penegak hukum dan masyarakat. Oleh karena tugasnya tersebut, para whistleblower harus dilindungi dari segala bentuk tindakan pembalasan. Indonesia memiliki Undang-Undang Nomor 31 Tahun 2014 tentang Perubahan atas Undang-Undang Nomor 13 Tahun 2006 tentang Perlindungan Saksi dan Korban  yang di dalamnya mengatur perlindungan terhadap whistleblower dalam sistem hukum pidana Indonesia. Tulisan ini menganalisis eksistensi perlindungan hukum bagi whistleblower dalam pasal-pasal tentang perlindungan whistleblower dalam Undang-Undang Perlindungan Saksi dan Korban, secara spesifik pada perlindungan terhadap tindakan pembalasan dengan menganalisis sinkronisasi hukum terhadap Pasal 33 UNCAC. Pasal-pasal dalam hukum nasional vis-à-vis dengan Ppasal UNCAC tentang perlindungan terhadap whistleblower, hukum nasional belum mampu menyediakan perlindungan terbaik bagi whistleblower dikarenakan adanya kemungkinan untuk dilakukannya tindakan pembalasan terhadap whistleblower yang belum diatur dalam hukum nasional.Kata kunci: Indonesia, korupsi, whistleblower, United Nations Convention Against Corruption.


2010 ◽  
Vol 37 (118) ◽  
pp. 243
Author(s):  
Luiz Felipe Netto de Andrade e Silva Sahd

O artigo apresenta algumas ideias importantes do discurso dos direitos de Samuel Pufendorf. Analisando cuidadosamente nas obras de Grotius e Hobbes, Pufendorf questionou e corrigiu uma série de detalhes e pontos importantes de seus antecessores. De Hobbes, Pufendorf questionou a falta de rigor na atribuição de direitos aos homens no estado de natureza. Ele indica também alguns limites das teses do Grotius, em especial quanto à expressão appetitus socialis. Pufendorf foi, portanto, um dos primeiros a perceber um aspecto importante dos direitos – ao menos dos direitos “verdadeiros” ou “propriamente ditos” –, que podemos chamar de correlatividade entre direitos e deveres (na ciência jurídica, esta concepção é especificamente conhecida como bilateralidade do direito). Nenhum direito pode ser atribuído a uma pessoa sem que se atribuam a outras, ao mesmo tempo, certos deveres correlativos de não-interferência. O artigo também discute a resposta oferecida pelo tradutor e grande divulgador das obras de Pufendorf, Jean Barbeyrac, a Leibniz. Barbeyrac reprova a confusão promovida por Leibniz, ao misturar conveniência e obrigação, interesse e dever, e o fato de, por isso, não ter percebido que para Pufendorf há grande diferença entre ações úteis e ação moral.Abstract: This paper presents some important ideas of Samuel Pufendorf’s discourse on rights. Analyzing carefully the works of Grotius and Hobbes, Pufendorf questioned and corrected a number of important points and details of his predecessors. Pufendorf questioned Hobbes’ lack of rigor in his allocation of rights to men in the state of nature. He also points out some limitations of Grotius‘ theory, in particular the expression appetitus socialis. Therefore, Pufendorf was one of the first to realize an important aspect of rights – at least of “true” or “proper” rights– which we may call the correlativity of rights and duties (in legal science, this notion is specifically known as bilateralism of the Law). No right can be assigned to a person without, at the same time, attributing to others certain correlative duties of noninterference. The paper also discusses the answer given to Leibniz by Jean Barbeyrac, the translator and disseminator of Pufendorf’s work. Barbeyrac deplored the fact that Leibniz confused convenience and obligation, and interest and duty, and by so doing failed to notice the great difference made by Pufendorf between useful actions and moral action.


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