scholarly journals Scattered Abroad: The Ukrainian Theatrical Emigration Seen through the Fate of the Actor Fedir Fedorovych

The article concerns the life and activities of the actor FedirFedorovych. His fate was typical for a great number of Ukrainian intelligentsia, who found themselves in emigration after WWII, producing impact on the formation of Ukrainian diaspora culture. Purpose. The author’s intention has been to follow and analyze the main stages in the actor FedirFedorovych’s creative activities within the context of the Ukrainian theater’s development. The research is based on studying the contemporary press and the Fedorovyches’ family archive. Methods. The author has used the cultural-historical method, which implies searching and collecting information concerning the exact object, processing this information, analyzing its correlation with historical and cultural background, and defining the significance of the actor’s activities for development of the theater art in a certain period. Results. The early period of Fedorovych’s activities was closely connected with Kharkiv. The actor was born in the town of Uman in 1895. He took part in the fighting during the First World War. In 1920 he studied at the workshop under Kyidramte (Kyiv Drama Theater), under the guidance of Les Kurbas. Later he acted on stages of the I. Franko Theater, the First Odessa Workers and Peasants’ Theater led by Ye. Kokhanenko, Chervonozavodsky Theater in Kharkiv, the Kharkiv Theater of the Revolution, the Leninist Komsomol Theater in this city. He played mostly character and comic personages in performances after Ukrainian and foreign playwrights. In 1940Fedorovych left Kharkiv for Chernivtsi, where the Leninist Komsomol Theater was transferred. After the Soviet Union got involved in WWII, Fedorovych returned to Kharkiv, staying there under the Nazis. At the time he worked at the T. Shevchenko Theater, then, in 1943, left the city together with the retreating Hitlerite troops. When Germany was defeated, Fedorovych experienced a lot of wandering, in the end finding himself in the “Orlyk” displaced persons’ camp, Bavaria, and founded a theater there. The latter existed until 1950. There Fedorovich as a director put on the stage a number of productions after “The Mistress of the Inn” by C. Goldoni; “Rosy Weaverbird” by Ya. Mamontov; “Martyn Borulia” by I. Karpenko-Karyi; “Going for the First Hangout” by S. Vasylchenko; and some others. In 1950Fedorovich, together with his family, was granted entrance to the U.S., where he organized an amateur theater in NewHaven, Conn. He also worked as both director and actor of the Ukrainian Opera Ensemble (NewYork, NY). Inthelatter, heplayedin “NatalkaPoltavka” byI. Kotliarevsky (1958); “TheMatchmakinginHoncharivka” byH. Kvitka-Osnovyanenko (1963); operas “The Black Sea People” by M. Lysenko (1965); “Cossacks in Exile” by S. Hulak-Artemovsky (1972). Novelty of research. This research is the first one to present an integral evaluation of FedirFedorovych’s creative activities as typical for a member of theatrical community of Ukraine. It also introduces the documents from the Fedorovyches’ family archive into scientific parlance. Conclusions. Fedir Fedorovych’s creative activities testify to the fact that a number of Ukrainian actors in exile proved to be able both to maintain the high level of acting, worked up in the native country, and to preserve the classical repertoire, thus passing their experience to the next generations.

Author(s):  
GRAHAM OLIVER

The chapter focuses on the commemoration of the individual in ancient and modern cultures. It argues that the attitude to individual commemoration adopted by the War Graves Commission in the First World War in Britain can be linked to the commemorative practices of ancient Greece, emphasising the importance of the part played by Sir Frederic Kenyon. The chapter draws on examples of commemoration from classical Athens, twentieth-century Britain and the Soviet Union in order to explore the different roles that the commemoration of the individual has played in ancient and modern forms of war commemoration.


2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-160
Author(s):  
Zenonas Butkus

The aim of this article is to examine the attitudes of the Soviet Union and Germany towards the problem of Vilnius in the period between the First and Second World Wars. The article is based mainly on unpublished documents from Lithuanian, Latvian, Estonian, German and Soviet archives. The problem under review emerged after the First World War, when Poland occupied the capital of Lithuania, Vilnius, and kept it under its control almost until the Second World War. Lithuania refused to recognize the situation, and between the two countries there arose a conflict, which was instigated by the Soviet Union and Germany, as they did not want the Baltic States and Poland to create a defence union. The Soviet Union and Germany worked hand in hand in dealing with this conflict. In the process of its regulation they acquired quite an extensive experience in diplomatic co-operation, which they applied successfully in establishing the spheres of their influence in the Baltic States in 1939.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamás Krausz

This article is not primarily focused on presenting arguments and views held by Polish political groups with reference to the territorial shape of the Polish state after the First World War. Instead, its aim is to draw attention to actions taken by these groups towards the defence of Polish western lands. One of the key problems of Poland’s foreign policy after 1918 was the question of relations with its neighbours, chiefly Germany and Russia (and the Soviet Union). For many years, the most serious problem faced by post-Versailles Europe was that of the Germans striving to revise the legal order, to break their political isolation, and return to the prestigious circle of world powers. Those endeavours threatened the security of Poland in a direct way. Defence of the Polish state and its territories on the western outskirts of the Second Republic lay at the heart of establishing socalled “Western thought” in the country. Related to Western Europe, this ideology played a significant role in shaping society’s views on, and attitudes towards, the most vital problems of the Polish nation and state.


2020 ◽  
pp. 73-100
Author(s):  
Kathryn Ciancia

In the 1920s, Polish state officials saw the newly established and poorly guarded Polish-Soviet border as a site of both anxiety and opportunity. As refugees and remigrants from the First World War and subsequent borderland conflicts moved westward, politicians raised fears about humanitarian crises, epidemic diseases, and anti-Polish ideological infiltration. At a local level, however, border guards and state policemen were more concerned with peasant criminality, including smuggling, horse theft, and illegal distilling, that ran along and across national lines. Since such behavior, when combined with communist agitation, appeared to threaten the state’s territorial sovereignty, the government created a new border guard corps in 1924 to militarize the border and “civilize” local people. But although border guards appeared in Polish propaganda as heroes in a hostile physical and human environment, they feared the effects of daily contact with the Soviet Union—and with civilians on the Polish side.


1946 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas D. Czubatyi

The three years of struggle and attempted negotiations between Poland and the Soviet Union over the readjustment of their frontiers were concluded by a two-fold decision. Thanks to Moscow, Poland was given a government which readily consented to give up both the Western Ukraine and White Ruthenia, territories occupied by Poland after the First World War; now they become parts of the Soviet Union. On the motion of Viacheslav Molotov, the Soviet Commissar of Foreign Affairs, Ukraine was accepted as a member of the world organization, the United Nations.The first event means that after six hundred years, Poland has withdrawn her claim to an extensive tract of land which she ruled at times as far east as the River Dnieper and beyond. Polish ambitions to control the Ukrainian and White Ruthenian lands and to assimilate these two peoples culturally in order to make them an ethnographic Polish entity, with some exceptions of course, failed.


2018 ◽  
pp. 287-304
Author(s):  
Kristiane Janeke

Kristiane Janeke traces the history of the Moscow Brothers’ (Soldiers’) Cemetery, using the specific case of this memorial to wartime fallen as a springboard to a wider discussion of suppressed memories of the First World War in Russia. The chapter argues that remembrance of the war was deliberately stifled as part of the Bolshevik project of creating a new ideological identity for the fledgling Soviet regime. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, however, there have been efforts to restore Russians’ collective memory of the First World War.


Author(s):  
Gregor Thum

This chapter considers how the remapping of Central Europe after the Second World War was radical not so much in terms of changes in national borders, as in the broadscale shifting of settlement boundaries. The borders had already been altered after the First World War and new countries created upon the ruins of the fallen Central and Eastern European empires. Prolonged mass migrations also ensued at that time. Many people did not want to live in the countries they found themselves in after the political map was redrawn, or they fled growing discrimination against ethnic minorities. After the Second World War, the Allied powers abandoned the principles to which they committed themselves in 1918. They wanted the territory between Germany and the Soviet Union to be made up of homogeneous nation-states that were no longer burdened by the existence of ethnic minorities.


2020 ◽  
pp. 99-106
Author(s):  
V.I. KLEPOV ◽  
◽  
P.D. DYUKOV ◽  

The Dnieper river is one of the largest rivers in Europe. It is the fourth largest river in terms of basin area and length after the Volga, Danube and Ural, and the second largest of the rivers that flow into the Black sea, after the Danube. From the point of view of territorial distribution of water resources, the Dnieper basin can be divided into two zones. The first zone includes the Russian and Belarusian parts of the basin, which is a zone of river flow formation. It is characterized by an insufficiently high level of water resources use. The second zone, which is a part of the Ukrainian part of the river basin, is characterized by a small inflow of water from tributaries and a high level of water resources use. Rivers, watercourses of which run through the territory of two or more states, are called as transboundary. Different sections of the same river are used by different states, and the use of water resources and catchment area in the upper reaches of the river will affect the quantitative and qualitative parameters of water downstream. This means that the unified environmental system is divided by a state border and is managed in each individual state at its discretion. This affects the river and surrounding areas. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the problem of transboundary water bodies became very relevant for Russia. Neighboring countries have faced a number of environmental problems in border territories and transboundary river basins, where environmental problems have persisted and often worsened, but the institutional framework for their effective solution has been lost


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 37-46
Author(s):  
Igor I. Barinov ◽  

This article sheds some light on the early life of Kazys Škirpa (1895–1979), a prominent military offi cer and statesman of interwar Lithuania. Škirpa was best known for his efforts to re-establish Lithuanian independence with the support of Nazi Germany after his country was annexed by the Soviet Union during the Second World War. For this reason, evaluation of his personal biography has previously been neglected by scholars. Striving to fi ll this research and knowledge gap, this paper hypothesises that the formation of the future politician was deeply infl uenced by processes that took place during his youth in Russia. Škirpa’s biography offers a fascinating insight into changes in the Russian Empire. The changes included the two trajectories of Russifi cation; “from above” and “from below” and the transformation of the loyalty principles as well – social- religious loyalty became ethnonational. Russian governmental policy was to categorise its population on the basis of formal criteria. Škirpa’s biography demonstrates how the representatives of various ethnic groups (including Lithuanians) bypassed bureaucratic peculiarities to develop their national identity, which worked against the raison d’être of the empire. However, at the same time these representatives of the various ethnic groups remained “ideal subjects” of the Tzar. It was the First World War that contributed to the realisation of the national and political aspirations of such ethnic communities. The article also includes some of Škirpa’s previously undiscovered personal documents, which were found in the Russian archives.


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