scholarly journals Spatial Translations of Korean Reunification

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ji Hwan Jeon

<p>This thesis speculates how architecture can promote the “Sequential Reunification Process” of North and South Korea. Premised on Phase One of the Reunification scheme, it champions progressive unity and proactive disciplinary action. To formalise this vision, it argues the pertinence of Foucault’s “heterotopias” to spatially rationalize and exploit the present state of division. </p> <p>In anticipation of social diversification, the heterotopian framework embraces the condition of coexistence, to express the prevailing spatio-cultural disparities of each nation. Accordingly, this thesis investigates the function of architecture within the discourse of Korean Reunification, examines the spatial idiosyncrasies of North and South Korea, and subsequently develops two heterotopian interventions. </p> <p>The two proposals, one superimposed in Seoul, South Korea, and the other in Pyongyang, North Korea, spatially synthesize the dominant ideologies of the “Other”, encompassing an inter-Korean exchange. This juxtaposition of the North into the South, and vice versa, embodies the objective of Phase One, which fosters cultural exchange and mutual understanding of the “Other”. </p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ji Hwan Jeon

<p>This thesis speculates how architecture can promote the “Sequential Reunification Process” of North and South Korea. Premised on Phase One of the Reunification scheme, it champions progressive unity and proactive disciplinary action. To formalise this vision, it argues the pertinence of Foucault’s “heterotopias” to spatially rationalize and exploit the present state of division. </p> <p>In anticipation of social diversification, the heterotopian framework embraces the condition of coexistence, to express the prevailing spatio-cultural disparities of each nation. Accordingly, this thesis investigates the function of architecture within the discourse of Korean Reunification, examines the spatial idiosyncrasies of North and South Korea, and subsequently develops two heterotopian interventions. </p> <p>The two proposals, one superimposed in Seoul, South Korea, and the other in Pyongyang, North Korea, spatially synthesize the dominant ideologies of the “Other”, encompassing an inter-Korean exchange. This juxtaposition of the North into the South, and vice versa, embodies the objective of Phase One, which fosters cultural exchange and mutual understanding of the “Other”. </p>


2001 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sung-Joo Han

The historic June 2000 summit and subsequent exchanges between North and South Korea have added a new dimension to not only South-North Korean relations but also the situation in Northeast Asia as a whole. On one hand, the thawing South- North Korean relations has generated great optimism among those who see it as an irrefutable sign of North Korea's intention to join the rest of the world as a constructive player. At the other extreme, it is seen as a deceptive, if not desperate, act on the part of North Korea to reap economic gains and lower the guard of South Korea and its allies, principally the United States. Perhaps a more realistic assessment lies somewhere between these polar analyses.


Author(s):  
V. Denisov

The nuclear problem of the Korean peninsula remains unsolved, tensions continuing for the past five years. The mechanism of the Six-Party Talks in which Russia, China, the USA, Japan, North and South Korea took part, is inactive, while each party develops its own strategy to counteract the new nuclear program of North Korea. Such an approach stimulates further escalation in the region, because there is no mutual understanding of North Korea nuclear status. In addition there exist a number of contradictions between the members of Six-Party Talks, each of them trying to resolve North Korean issue pursuing their own interests. However, in the current situation a peaceful resolution of the problem is still possible. Moreover, it is the only reasonable solution.


Author(s):  
V. Denisov

Recent trends in international situation around Korean peninsula and the policy of main stateactors are being considered. The USA is trying to reinforce its military presence in South Korea. Seoul is seeking to revise its previous agreements with USA in the sphere of nuclear energy. Trilateral interaction (US-Japan-South Corea) on the problem of North Korean nuclear potential is strengthening. US policy towards North Korea is aimed at counteraction to reinforcement of Russian and Chinese influence in the region. At the same time the USA provides support to North-South dialogue while pressurizing North Korea on the issues of human rights and denuclearization.Pyongyang is concerned with military rapprochement between South Korea and USA and is trying to make North Korean nuclear program an object of bargaining for peaceful settlement on Korean peninsula. North-to-South relations should be regarded as military opposition in spite of constant appeals to peaceful reunification, development of economic and cultural ties etc. Current analysis reveals that both North and South Korea are still far from real progress in this respect.Chinese factor is essential though Beijing behavior is cautious. After Kim Rong Un rise to power political and economic relations between North and South weakened. Pyongyang is concerned with regular contacts between China and US on North Korea problems. Aggravation of international situation did not lead to decline in China-South Korea relations, though China is against deployment of missile-defence THAAD complexes. Chinese policy in Korea is aimed at sustaining of status-quo in the peninsula and barring collapse of the North Corea regime.Policy of Russia is invariably based on the principles formulated in 2001. Recently North Korea has revealed intentions to resume political dialogue with Russia, while South Korea is seemingly not interested in broader co-operation with Russia. Up to the author’s opinion it is necessary to promote six-sided negotiations process, avoid extremes in approaches to both Korean states, and oppose to US domination in the region.


2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-74
Author(s):  
Jessica Donahue ◽  
Steven Hoehner ◽  
Ben Li

This article focuses on the problem of analytically determining the optimal placement of five points on the unit sphere {\bb S}^{2} so that the surface area of the convex hull of the points is maximized. It is shown that the optimal polyhedron has a trigonal bipyramidal structure with two vertices placed at the north and south poles and the other three vertices forming an equilateral triangle inscribed in the equator. This result confirms a conjecture of Akkiraju, who conducted a numerical search for the maximizer. As an application to crystallography, the surface area discrepancy is considered as a measure of distortion between an observed coordination polyhedron and an ideal one. The main result yields a formula for the surface area discrepancy of any coordination polyhedron with five vertices.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Hough ◽  
Markus Bell

This article draws on the public testimonies of North Koreans living in South Korea (t’albungmin) and analyzes the role that these narratives play in South Korean society as mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion. North and South Korea technically remain at war, with South Korea claiming sovereignty over the entire Korean peninsula. While t’albungmin are eligible for South Korean citizenship, they describe feeling excluded from full social membership. Although some t’albungmin seek anonymity, this paper considers those who gain social status by speaking publicly about their lives and denouncing the North Korean regime. In so doing, they distance themselves from North Korea and align themselves with the “good” discourse of human rights. However, their actions reinforce a logic of exclusion, implying that t’albungmin who prefer anonymity are “sympathizers,” and consequently restricting their access to social benefits and resources. This case of conditional inclusion illuminates tensions that arise when a sovereignty claim entails the incorporation of people from an enemy state. It also highlights the carefully delineated boundaries of publicly acceptable behavior within which “suspect” citizens must remain as a condition for positive recognition.


Author(s):  
Jude Woodward

This chapter looks at South Korea’s response to the US ‘pivot’. It takes stock of the post-war division of the peninsula and its consequences for the international alignment of both North and South. It considers how the ‘economic miracle’ in South Korea led to growing competition with Japan and greater synergies with China. It looks at the degree to which North Korea threatens stability in the region, and to what extent its demonisation justifies a major US presence in close proximity to China. The chapter discusses whether resurgent China is seen as a threat to South Korean interests or chiefly viewed through the prism of mutual economic benefit; and contrasts alleged concerns about China with those provoked by Japan. It concludes that while South Korea has continued to step up its military collaboration with the US, it has not become a cheerleader for pushing back against China and has not signed up to a US strategy to contain China.


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