scholarly journals The Nuclear Problem of the Korean Peninsula: Is There a Way of Ending the Deadlock?

Author(s):  
V. Denisov

The nuclear problem of the Korean peninsula remains unsolved, tensions continuing for the past five years. The mechanism of the Six-Party Talks in which Russia, China, the USA, Japan, North and South Korea took part, is inactive, while each party develops its own strategy to counteract the new nuclear program of North Korea. Such an approach stimulates further escalation in the region, because there is no mutual understanding of North Korea nuclear status. In addition there exist a number of contradictions between the members of Six-Party Talks, each of them trying to resolve North Korean issue pursuing their own interests. However, in the current situation a peaceful resolution of the problem is still possible. Moreover, it is the only reasonable solution.

Author(s):  
V. Denisov

Recent trends in international situation around Korean peninsula and the policy of main stateactors are being considered. The USA is trying to reinforce its military presence in South Korea. Seoul is seeking to revise its previous agreements with USA in the sphere of nuclear energy. Trilateral interaction (US-Japan-South Corea) on the problem of North Korean nuclear potential is strengthening. US policy towards North Korea is aimed at counteraction to reinforcement of Russian and Chinese influence in the region. At the same time the USA provides support to North-South dialogue while pressurizing North Korea on the issues of human rights and denuclearization.Pyongyang is concerned with military rapprochement between South Korea and USA and is trying to make North Korean nuclear program an object of bargaining for peaceful settlement on Korean peninsula. North-to-South relations should be regarded as military opposition in spite of constant appeals to peaceful reunification, development of economic and cultural ties etc. Current analysis reveals that both North and South Korea are still far from real progress in this respect.Chinese factor is essential though Beijing behavior is cautious. After Kim Rong Un rise to power political and economic relations between North and South weakened. Pyongyang is concerned with regular contacts between China and US on North Korea problems. Aggravation of international situation did not lead to decline in China-South Korea relations, though China is against deployment of missile-defence THAAD complexes. Chinese policy in Korea is aimed at sustaining of status-quo in the peninsula and barring collapse of the North Corea regime.Policy of Russia is invariably based on the principles formulated in 2001. Recently North Korea has revealed intentions to resume political dialogue with Russia, while South Korea is seemingly not interested in broader co-operation with Russia. Up to the author’s opinion it is necessary to promote six-sided negotiations process, avoid extremes in approaches to both Korean states, and oppose to US domination in the region.


Author(s):  
G. D. Toloraya

The importance of Korean Peninsula in Russian foreign strategy is based on the need to preserve peace and stability in the Russia's Far East "soft underbelly" and to be a part of international efforts to solve the Korean problem, as well as to promote regional economic cooperation. In 1990-s Russia's position on the peninsula weakened, mainly because of the rupture of ties with North Korea, while relations with South Korea were reactive in nature. Rebalancing relations with the two Koreas in 2000-s increased Russia's involvement into Korean settlement, including the 6- party format. Russia/s relations with North Korea are now based on good neighborhood principle, however, they are far from idyllic as Russia disapproves of Pyongyang's behavior, especially its nuclear and missile activities. However to influence the situation more Russia should deepen its ties with the current Pyongyang leadership regardless of how irritating its behavior might be. Relations with the ROK are aimed at becoming strategic, but in reality are limited due to ROK's alliance with the USA. However South Korea has become the third most important economic partner in Asia. Russia is especially interested in three- party projects, such as Trans-Korean railroad (linked to Transsiberan transit way), gas pipeline and electricity grid. However implementation of these project is negatively influenced by the tensions in Korean peninsula. It can be solved only by multilateral efforts for comprehensive solution combining security guarantees for North Korea and its abandonment of nuclear option.


Asian Survey ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Kil Joo Ban

North Korea’s asymmetric provocations over the last decades can be classified into two periods: tactical provocations at sea in 1970–1990 and strategic (nuclear) provocations in 2000–2020. What is the logic underlying the North Korean imbroglio? And how does the former period differ from the latter? The first set of provocations was intended to shift the threat imbalance caused by a widening gap in conventional military capabilities into a balance of insecurity, where the weaker North Korean side faced South Korea and the combined ROK–US forces. The second set was intended to shift the balance of insecurity into an imbalance of terror while ensuring that only Pyongyang would be armed with nuclear weapons in the area. The “gray zone” discourse of the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (rather than North Korea) ended up bolstering North Korea’s nuclear program, while South Korea intensified only its conventional weapons program.


Zootaxa ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 4282 (1) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
DÁVID MURÁNYI ◽  
JEONG MI HWANG

Two new species of Korean needleflies, Perlomyia koreana sp. n. and P. lamellata sp. n. are described from North and South Korea. Additionally, two species, Paraleuctra paramalaisei sp. n. and Perlomyia baei sp. n. are described from South Korea. The previously unknown male of Perlomyia martynovi (Zhiltzova, 1975) is described from South Korean specimens associated with females. Leuctra fusca tergostyla Wu, 1973 comb. n. is proposed for the Far Eastern populations of the Eurosiberian L. fusca (Linnaeus, 1758). Three Leuctridae genera and species are reported from North Korea for the first time and three species are new country records for South Korea. The number of stonefly species known from the Korean Peninsula is increased to 82. A key is presented for the Leuctridae species known from Korean Peninsula including taxa that are expected to occur. Distributional maps are presented and additional notes on the habitats of Korean Leuctridae are given. 


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ji Hwan Jeon

<p>This thesis speculates how architecture can promote the “Sequential Reunification Process” of North and South Korea. Premised on Phase One of the Reunification scheme, it champions progressive unity and proactive disciplinary action. To formalise this vision, it argues the pertinence of Foucault’s “heterotopias” to spatially rationalize and exploit the present state of division. </p> <p>In anticipation of social diversification, the heterotopian framework embraces the condition of coexistence, to express the prevailing spatio-cultural disparities of each nation. Accordingly, this thesis investigates the function of architecture within the discourse of Korean Reunification, examines the spatial idiosyncrasies of North and South Korea, and subsequently develops two heterotopian interventions. </p> <p>The two proposals, one superimposed in Seoul, South Korea, and the other in Pyongyang, North Korea, spatially synthesize the dominant ideologies of the “Other”, encompassing an inter-Korean exchange. This juxtaposition of the North into the South, and vice versa, embodies the objective of Phase One, which fosters cultural exchange and mutual understanding of the “Other”. </p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ji Hwan Jeon

<p>This thesis speculates how architecture can promote the “Sequential Reunification Process” of North and South Korea. Premised on Phase One of the Reunification scheme, it champions progressive unity and proactive disciplinary action. To formalise this vision, it argues the pertinence of Foucault’s “heterotopias” to spatially rationalize and exploit the present state of division. </p> <p>In anticipation of social diversification, the heterotopian framework embraces the condition of coexistence, to express the prevailing spatio-cultural disparities of each nation. Accordingly, this thesis investigates the function of architecture within the discourse of Korean Reunification, examines the spatial idiosyncrasies of North and South Korea, and subsequently develops two heterotopian interventions. </p> <p>The two proposals, one superimposed in Seoul, South Korea, and the other in Pyongyang, North Korea, spatially synthesize the dominant ideologies of the “Other”, encompassing an inter-Korean exchange. This juxtaposition of the North into the South, and vice versa, embodies the objective of Phase One, which fosters cultural exchange and mutual understanding of the “Other”. </p>


Author(s):  
A. Fenenko

During the last twenty years Washington has used the “counter-proliferation strategy” in Korean Peninsula. The Americans demanded that North Korea eliminate its nuclear arsenals and plutonium production facilities under the watchful eye of the “five powers’ commission” or the IAEA. Pyongyang's recent military provocation may now raise the specter of the United States or even South Korea delivering non-nuclear strikes against its nuclear facilities. That would give the USA an opportunity to raise the question of whether certain regimes should be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons or even to develop nuclear fuel cycle capacity. The last crises demonstrated that under certain circumstances North Korea could also initiate a military conflict in East Asia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (Extra-A) ◽  
pp. 15-22
Author(s):  
Liailia Aidarovna Gainullina ◽  
Rustem Ravilevich Muhametzyanov ◽  
Bulat Aidarovich Gainullin ◽  
Nadiia Almazovna Galiautdinova

Historically, in the eyes of the Korean people, Japan is an antagonistic state that has brought them many troubles in the past century. Relations between Japan and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are fundamental in terms of security in the Northeast Asia (NEA) region, since the decision on the DPRK nuclear missile program and on the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is one of the pillars of achieving that very security throughout the region. The period, we consider in this study, from 1996 to 2006, is of significant importance, since a thorough analysis of the events of those years is important for understanding the root of existing problems in bilateral relations between Japan and North Korea. The present analysis on the behavioral lines in the solution of the North Korean nuclear missile program may contribute to the choice the best way to normalize relations between the two countries.    


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Hough ◽  
Markus Bell

This article draws on the public testimonies of North Koreans living in South Korea (t’albungmin) and analyzes the role that these narratives play in South Korean society as mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion. North and South Korea technically remain at war, with South Korea claiming sovereignty over the entire Korean peninsula. While t’albungmin are eligible for South Korean citizenship, they describe feeling excluded from full social membership. Although some t’albungmin seek anonymity, this paper considers those who gain social status by speaking publicly about their lives and denouncing the North Korean regime. In so doing, they distance themselves from North Korea and align themselves with the “good” discourse of human rights. However, their actions reinforce a logic of exclusion, implying that t’albungmin who prefer anonymity are “sympathizers,” and consequently restricting their access to social benefits and resources. This case of conditional inclusion illuminates tensions that arise when a sovereignty claim entails the incorporation of people from an enemy state. It also highlights the carefully delineated boundaries of publicly acceptable behavior within which “suspect” citizens must remain as a condition for positive recognition.


Author(s):  
Jude Woodward

This chapter looks at South Korea’s response to the US ‘pivot’. It takes stock of the post-war division of the peninsula and its consequences for the international alignment of both North and South. It considers how the ‘economic miracle’ in South Korea led to growing competition with Japan and greater synergies with China. It looks at the degree to which North Korea threatens stability in the region, and to what extent its demonisation justifies a major US presence in close proximity to China. The chapter discusses whether resurgent China is seen as a threat to South Korean interests or chiefly viewed through the prism of mutual economic benefit; and contrasts alleged concerns about China with those provoked by Japan. It concludes that while South Korea has continued to step up its military collaboration with the US, it has not become a cheerleader for pushing back against China and has not signed up to a US strategy to contain China.


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