scholarly journals Life After Politics? The post-leadership activities of New Zealand premiers and prime ministers, 1856-2008

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Jess Booker

<p>Political leadership has been a nebulous concept in New Zealand, one that has grown and changed as we have matured as a nation. Scholarship on political leadership in New Zealand has also matured, particularly over the last several decades, to now stand in its own right. Absent from this scholarship, however, has been a focus on what our leaders do after leaving office and why they undertake such activities. This thesis looks at the collective activities of New Zealand’s Premiers and Prime Ministers from 1856-2008. Drawing upon the influence of both individual and situational variables, it highlights a series of patterns within three distinct groups of leaders. Firstly, the Colonial Premiers (1856-1893), who carved out a range of post-leadership activities, though the choice of many of these activities often reflected a need to stabilise their financial position, which had deteriorated during their time as Premier. The Kiwi Prime Ministers (1856-1960), whose choice of post-leadership activities was marked by the transformational events occurring during their lifetime: two World Wars, a Great Depression and a series of significant industrial disputes. Many of these 20th century Prime Ministers suffered significant physical or psychological decline during their time in office. Finally, the Modern New Zealand Prime Ministers (1960-2008) have set a distinct new trend in post-leadership activity. Though some have still suffered from the emotional and physical demands of office, many leaders within this cohort have used their time as Prime Minister as a stepping-stone to greater activities upon leaving office. This trend, noticeable in our last five Prime Ministers, is important in that signals that post-leadership activities will now become a significant feature of a leader’s lifetime. Yet these illustrious post-political careers have occurred mainly outside of New Zealand, or behind the closed doors of the business world. This thesis suggests that we are losing a rich societal asset by not drawing upon the distinct skills and experiences of our former leaders and enabling them to become elder statesmen and women. The presence of such a community could contribute greatly to the future, as New Zealand navigates it way through debates of national significance and future crises.</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Jess Booker

<p>Political leadership has been a nebulous concept in New Zealand, one that has grown and changed as we have matured as a nation. Scholarship on political leadership in New Zealand has also matured, particularly over the last several decades, to now stand in its own right. Absent from this scholarship, however, has been a focus on what our leaders do after leaving office and why they undertake such activities. This thesis looks at the collective activities of New Zealand’s Premiers and Prime Ministers from 1856-2008. Drawing upon the influence of both individual and situational variables, it highlights a series of patterns within three distinct groups of leaders. Firstly, the Colonial Premiers (1856-1893), who carved out a range of post-leadership activities, though the choice of many of these activities often reflected a need to stabilise their financial position, which had deteriorated during their time as Premier. The Kiwi Prime Ministers (1856-1960), whose choice of post-leadership activities was marked by the transformational events occurring during their lifetime: two World Wars, a Great Depression and a series of significant industrial disputes. Many of these 20th century Prime Ministers suffered significant physical or psychological decline during their time in office. Finally, the Modern New Zealand Prime Ministers (1960-2008) have set a distinct new trend in post-leadership activity. Though some have still suffered from the emotional and physical demands of office, many leaders within this cohort have used their time as Prime Minister as a stepping-stone to greater activities upon leaving office. This trend, noticeable in our last five Prime Ministers, is important in that signals that post-leadership activities will now become a significant feature of a leader’s lifetime. Yet these illustrious post-political careers have occurred mainly outside of New Zealand, or behind the closed doors of the business world. This thesis suggests that we are losing a rich societal asset by not drawing upon the distinct skills and experiences of our former leaders and enabling them to become elder statesmen and women. The presence of such a community could contribute greatly to the future, as New Zealand navigates it way through debates of national significance and future crises.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Katherine Smith

<p>Within the literature associated with political leadership, scholarship directly focused upon political performance in office is thinly conducted, both in New Zealand and in other areas across the world. This thesis aims to greater understand political leadership and performance in New Zealand, and address the gaps in the literature correlated with Prime Ministerial performance. To do this, this thesis provides a current list of rankings of former Premiers and Prime Ministers in New Zealand and identifies the dimensions that one must fulfil to display exceptional performance in office. To undertake this research, this thesis uses a series of surveys – distributed to students at Victoria University of Wellington, and to other individuals with a professional interest in politics and history in New Zealand – to best assess public perceptions towards political performance. Building upon the path dependency created by former exercises of the same nature in New Zealand (conducted by Simon Sheppard in 1998, and by Jon Johansson and Stephen Levine in 2011), this thesis provides a snapshot of the current public perceptions of outstanding political performance. In a similar nature to the earlier studies, this thesis identifies the dimensions of longevity, death in office, and being a ‘big change’ or crisis Prime Minister as being directly correlated with elevated performance in office. Additionally, this thesis investigates whether a series of variables – namely time between exercises in New Zealand, and the appearance of a possible recency effect– provide any influence or change over results. Additionally, this thesis moves outside the scope of exercises conducted previously in New Zealand, by ranking Prime Ministerial performance using a series of different methodologies. In conjunction with a replication of the exercises already conducted in New Zealand, this survey also assesses Prime Ministerial performance by using a survey based upon the well-cited Schlesinger ranking studies in the United States, and a third survey aimed to assess political shifts and levels of knowledge and recall rates amongst university students. Regardless of such factors, the results of this thesis remain consistent with previous exercises, with Michael Savage, Richard Seddon, Helen Clark and Peter Fraser being regarded by the political and academic elite across all surveys as embodying the highest qualities of successful political leadership in New Zealand.</p>


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fortunato Musella

Deep changes regard the political careers of democratic leaders. Until recently, becoming president or prime minister was the last step before retirement or withdrawal to an undemanding seat on the back benches. On the contrary recent heads of government are enthusiastically seeking alternative ways to capitalize on their prestige and contacts portfolio, often ending up in the world of business or international finance. There are many examples of such a trend, from Blair to Mulroney, from Schröder to Barak. This article provides an empirical analysis of the phenomenon, by examining a dataset of 441 leaders in 78 different democratic countries over a period dating from 1989 to 2012. Attention will be focused on the political background of the prime ministers and presidents, how long they stay in power, the average age of heads of government, what professional pursuits they are involved in after their term in office and what career model they follow. The article concludes by proposing a post-presidential model which indicates some of the current trends and illustrates how former leaders are gaining decision-making power and visibility.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Andika Hendra Mustaqim

This research explores the political communication by New Zealand Prime Minister JacindaArdern in the face of terror attacks of two mosques in Christchurch on March 15, 2019. The emphasis of research is empathy politics in a narrow framework and broader framework, namely the humanitarian framework. The study used the method of analyzing the content of speeches and Ardern statements and case studies with qualitative approaches and critical constructivist paradigms. The results of the study are Prime Minister JacindaArdern using various models and ways to show political communication in handling terror attacks against two mosques in Christchurch. The politics of tears is played as a form of empathy politics. Protection from minorities was also shown by Ardern. Hug is a form of political action to embrace. Ardern often gives greetings typical of Muslims.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Katherine Smith

<p>Within the literature associated with political leadership, scholarship directly focused upon political performance in office is thinly conducted, both in New Zealand and in other areas across the world. This thesis aims to greater understand political leadership and performance in New Zealand, and address the gaps in the literature correlated with Prime Ministerial performance. To do this, this thesis provides a current list of rankings of former Premiers and Prime Ministers in New Zealand and identifies the dimensions that one must fulfil to display exceptional performance in office. To undertake this research, this thesis uses a series of surveys – distributed to students at Victoria University of Wellington, and to other individuals with a professional interest in politics and history in New Zealand – to best assess public perceptions towards political performance. Building upon the path dependency created by former exercises of the same nature in New Zealand (conducted by Simon Sheppard in 1998, and by Jon Johansson and Stephen Levine in 2011), this thesis provides a snapshot of the current public perceptions of outstanding political performance. In a similar nature to the earlier studies, this thesis identifies the dimensions of longevity, death in office, and being a ‘big change’ or crisis Prime Minister as being directly correlated with elevated performance in office. Additionally, this thesis investigates whether a series of variables – namely time between exercises in New Zealand, and the appearance of a possible recency effect– provide any influence or change over results. Additionally, this thesis moves outside the scope of exercises conducted previously in New Zealand, by ranking Prime Ministerial performance using a series of different methodologies. In conjunction with a replication of the exercises already conducted in New Zealand, this survey also assesses Prime Ministerial performance by using a survey based upon the well-cited Schlesinger ranking studies in the United States, and a third survey aimed to assess political shifts and levels of knowledge and recall rates amongst university students. Regardless of such factors, the results of this thesis remain consistent with previous exercises, with Michael Savage, Richard Seddon, Helen Clark and Peter Fraser being regarded by the political and academic elite across all surveys as embodying the highest qualities of successful political leadership in New Zealand.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-43
Author(s):  
Muhammad Danial Azman ◽  
Asmadi Hassan

The 2019 Coronavirus (COVID-19) outbreak was one of the most massive pandemics in history, with over 29.6 million people infected, including over 400,000 cases in Japan. This article describes the leadership tasks in a time of crisis during the different stages of Japan’s COVID-19 strategy under Shinzo Abe and Yoshihide Suga's leadership. Our aim is to formulate lessons from Japan for Malaysia. Shallow assessments of leadership performance often accompany the deeply rooted belief in the importance of political leadership. Such reviews never arrive more quickly than in the wake of crises - dramatic disasters of COVID-19 cases and Abe's resignation from the prime minister post. While symbolic performance is necessary (if only because it can arouse the public), it is one of the plausible avenues for the public to express their political judgements upon leadership in a time of crisis. In this article, we adopted a qualitative method of library research and highlights the many expected tasks of Japanese prime ministers to perform, and we offer a lesson for Malaysia in times of crisis


Author(s):  
Patrick Weller

Prime ministers are the key campaigners for their governments, not just in electoral campaigns, but every day and in every place. Media management has become a continuing and significant part of the prime ministers’ activities; it is a daily, indeed an hourly, pressure. Speeches have to be planned. The pressure has changed the tone and priorities of governing. It has dangers as well as benefits. Media demands have become more immediate, more continuous, and more intrusive. Prime ministers must respond. The same technical changes allow prime ministers to interact with their voters in a way that bypasses journalists and other intermediaries. They are writ large in campaigns. They are never out of mind or out of sight. Re-election is always a consideration for tactics and strategy. The public leader, the ‘rhetorical prime minister’, is shaped by the demands of the media and organized by the technological capacity.


Author(s):  
Patrick Weller

Prime ministers dominate, but still lose office. Why? This chapter explores the conundrum that infests debates on the prime ministers’ power and influence. It examines the ambiguous and uncertain institutional environment with its scope for initiatives and choices. It rejects normative notions of what prime ministers should do and illustrates that accusations of excessive power and ambition have been thrown at prime ministers from the very beginning. It identifies the strategy of the book: to compare institutional arrangements in four Westminster systems—Britain, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand—to see how prime ministers have chosen to define their role. It proposes tests for assessing prime ministers and for judging their performance and options.


2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Baris Kesgin

Scholars and policymakers have long used the shorthand of hawks and doves to characterize leader personalities that correspond to a particular political inclination, whereby hawks are considered right-wing and more aggressive in foreign policy, and doves are left-wing and more peaceful. This article posits that a sound discussion of who hawks and doves in foreign policy are requires an engagement with research on political leadership. It promises a less superficial understanding of the dichotomy of hawks and doves, and uses leadership trait analysis to explore hawkish and dovish leaders’ qualities. The article profiles Israel’s prime ministers since the end of the Cold War, where in a high security environment, these words are most often used to describe its domestic and foreign matters and its cooperative and conflictual actions. This article’s findings encourage an unpacking of these commonly used shorthand labels with political leadership approaches. They are also useful to highlight, most notably, the significance of complexity and distrust in understanding hawkish and dovish leaders. Hawks think simpler and are more doubtful of others than doves, this article finds. Future research, the article suggests, will benefit from looking deeper than simple, dichotomous use of this analogy, and exploring ways to operationalize individual-level measurements of hawks and doves in foreign policy.


1972 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-291
Author(s):  
James Lightbody

Modestly impressive by its lack of mention both in a recent examination of the political leadership of the prime minister and the more traditional texts of the Canadian political process, is serious notice of environmental limitations on the prime ministerial prerogative in dissolving the Legislative Assembly and announcing a general election.


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