Features of foreign policy birds: Israeli prime ministers as hawks and doves

2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Baris Kesgin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Security Environment ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Leadership Approaches

Scholars and policymakers have long used the shorthand of hawks and doves to characterize leader personalities that correspond to a particular political inclination, whereby hawks are considered right-wing and more aggressive in foreign policy, and doves are left-wing and more peaceful. This article posits that a sound discussion of who hawks and doves in foreign policy are requires an engagement with research on political leadership. It promises a less superficial understanding of the dichotomy of hawks and doves, and uses leadership trait analysis to explore hawkish and dovish leaders’ qualities. The article profiles Israel’s prime ministers since the end of the Cold War, where in a high security environment, these words are most often used to describe its domestic and foreign matters and its cooperative and conflictual actions. This article’s findings encourage an unpacking of these commonly used shorthand labels with political leadership approaches. They are also useful to highlight, most notably, the significance of complexity and distrust in understanding hawkish and dovish leaders. Hawks think simpler and are more doubtful of others than doves, this article finds. Future research, the article suggests, will benefit from looking deeper than simple, dichotomous use of this analogy, and exploring ways to operationalize individual-level measurements of hawks and doves in foreign policy.

Chile leader may see more Prosur headaches than kudos

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Regional Grouping

Subject Foreign policy and Prosur. Significance Government-opposition differences on foreign policy are unusual in Chile, but have been triggered by President Sebastian Pinera’s championship of Prosur, a new regional grouping launched in Santiago on March 22. It has been criticised by the left-wing opposition as bringing together only centre-right and right-wing governments. Impacts Trade issues, although remaining important, may become less of a driver of Chile’s foreign policy. There is no clear reason to expect that Prosur will be more successful than previous initiatives like UNASUR. Discrepancies in Chile over foreign policy and, particularly, relations with the Bolsonaro government will persist.

scholarly journals Populism and Support for Protectionism: The Relevance of Opposition to Trade Openness for Leftist and Rightist Populist Voting in The Netherlands

2017 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 560-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeroen van der Waal ◽  
Willem de Koster
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Trade Openness ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
Political Distrust ◽  
The Relationship

Leftist and rightist populist parties in Western Europe both oppose trade openness. Is support for economic protectionism also relevant for their electorates? We assess this in the Netherlands, where both types of populist parties have seats in parliament. Analyses of representative survey data ( n = 1,296) demonstrate that support for protectionism drives voting for such parties, as do the well-established determinants of political distrust (both populist constituencies), economic egalitarianism (leftist populist constituency) and ethnocentrism (rightist populist constituency). Surprisingly, support for protectionism does not mediate the relationship between economic egalitarianism and voting for left-wing populists, or the link between political distrust and voting for either left-wing or right-wing populist parties. In contrast, support for protectionism partly mediates the association between ethnocentrism and voting for right-wing populists. We discuss the largely independent role of protectionism in populist voting in relation to the cultural cleavage in politics and electoral competition, and also provide suggestions for future research.

scholarly journals Alternative Legacies of Authoritarianism: Pro-dictator Bias in Ideology

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanghoon Kim-Leffingwell
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Past ◽  
Country Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Party Strength

How does an authoritarian past shape voters’ left-right orientation? Recent studies investigate “anti-dictator bias” in political ideology, where citizens in a former right-wing (left-wing) dictatorship may display a leftist (rightist) bias in their ideological self-identification. In this paper, I provide evidence for a “pro-dictator bias” where citizens hold ideological positions corresponding to those of the dictator depending on their experiences during and after transition. In countries with negotiated transitions and stronger former ruling parties, these successors could continue mobilizing the popular base of the former dictatorship with inherited advantages from the past and by invoking nostalgia through consistent reference to previous authoritarian achievements. I test this hypothesis with variables measuring successor party strength and the type of regime transition by combining individual-level survey data and country-level data. The findings emphasize the role of post-transition features in shaping alternative legacies on voter attitudes in former authoritarian societies.

A Revisionist Looks at Imperialism: Eduard Bernstein's Critique of Imperialism and Kolonialpolitik, 1900–14

1979 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 237-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Fletcher
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Social Democracy ◽  
Policy Position ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The First World War ◽  
East German ◽  
Intellectual Leader ◽  
The Right ◽  
Policy Problems

It is now generally accepted that prior to the outbreak of the First World War German Social Democracy did not, as a rule, count foreign policy among its more central concerns. It is often further assumed that the right wing of the prewar German labor movement was still less interested in foreign policy problems than were left-wing or centrist party spokesmen. This assumption requires qualification, for the work of East German historians and others has shown that social imperialist thought had made heavy inroads into the revisionist wing of prewar Social Democracy. In fact, revisionists and reformists from Vollmar onwards frequently manifested a deep and enduring concern with the problems of Germany's position in the world. Yet there remains in the person of Eduard Bernstein—in many ways the father of revisionism and certainly its intellectual leader and chief publicist—one prominent revisionist whose pre-1914 foreign policy position continues to defy satisfactory categorization and generalization.

scholarly journals Euroscepticism as a radical left party strategy for success

2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882110389
Author(s):  
Sarah Wagner
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Eu Integration ◽  
Party Strategy ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Left Party ◽  
Radical Left

The European Union has gained salience as an issue in political debate. Recent literature shows that successful radical right-wing parties are frequently in opposition to European integration. This article looks at how radical left-wing parties’ positions on EU integration affect their electoral support. It argues that radical left parties can mobilize voters in their favour through positioning in opposition to EU integration because this allows voters to combine their left-wing economic and anti-EU preferences. Using expert and individual-level survey data, this research demonstrates that radical left-wing parties that position themselves against EU integration are more likely to gain individuals’ vote choice. This finding is surprising, given that traditionally radical left-wing parties are defined through their economic, rather than their non-economic, positions. This article demonstrates that variation in positioning around non-economic issues such as EU integration can explain differences in voter support across radical left-wing parties.

scholarly journals The Happiness Gap Between Conservatives and Liberals Depends on Country-Level Threat

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma Onraet ◽  
Jasper Van Assche ◽  
Arne Roets ◽  
Tessa Haesevoets ◽  
Alain Van Hiel
Keyword(s):  
Well Being ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Total N ◽  
Protective Function ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Country Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Objective Indicators ◽  
Representative Samples

In the present study, we investigated the much debated “happiness gap” between conservatives and liberals, approaching the issue from a multilevel person × context perspective. More specifically, we investigated whether this relationship depends on country-level threat. We used individual-level data for right-wing attitudes and psychological well-being from 94 large, representative samples collected worldwide (total N = 137,890) and objective indicators of country-level threat as the contextual variable. Our results suggest that, especially in countries characterized by high levels of threat, individuals with right-wing attitudes experienced greater well-being than individuals with left-wing attitudes. In countries with a low level of threat, this relationship was considerably weaker or even absent. Our findings corroborate the view that right-wing attitudes may serve a self-protective function, helping individuals to manage and cope with threat.

Impossible Allies? When History and Security Collide

2020 ◽  
pp. 002190962095767
Author(s):  
Joonbum Bae
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Security Environment ◽  
External Threat ◽  
Colonial Experience ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Cold War

To what degree are historical animosities regarding another country relevant for foreign policy in the face of changes in the security environment? This paper seeks to answer this question in the context of Korea–Japan relations. While pundits have pointed to the Korean public’s negative views of Japan—rooted in the colonial experience—as the explanation for the lack of cooperation between Japan and Korea in the security field, this paper argues changes in the level of common external threat can shift the public’s priorities from perceived historical injustices toward the needs of security. Surveys from the period when the security environment was shifting markedly—the final years of the Cold War (1986–1990)—reveal that public opinion regarding Japan relative to other powers in the region began to deteriorate only after the security environment improved, pointing to a limit to the extent that “history” trumps security.

Conclusion

2019 ◽  
pp. 343-361
Author(s):  
Zorawar Daulet Singh
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Central Theme ◽  
Future Role ◽  
Role Conceptions ◽  
Dramatic Shift ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Changing Role

This chapter returns to the central theme and examines whether changing role conceptions from a peacemaker to a security seeker is a persuasive interpretation for the dramatic shift in India’s foreign policy during the Cold War. It then situates this study in the broader historiography of India’s foreign policy and suggests why we might need to reconsider the mainstream depiction of India’s statecraft during the Cold War. Some of this book’s implications for future research is also briefly discussed, and finally, the contemporary relevance of this study is underlined by showing that many of the recurring questions and debates about India’s future role can be engaged if we situate India’s foreign policy journey in a larger historical backdrop.

A turn toward experimentalism? Rethinking security and governance in the twenty-first century

2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARK T. NANCE ◽  
M. PATRICK COTTRELL
Keyword(s):  
Task Force ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
First Century ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
Nuclear Terrorism ◽  
Security Environment ◽  
Financing Of Terrorism ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Governance Arrangements

AbstractConventional understandings of security cooperation are rooted in the state-centric and materialist assumptions dominant in the Cold War and subscribe to the dictum of the Reagan years, ‘trust but verify’. In today's more complex setting, however, governance arrangements with the most potential to address constantly mutating security threats, such as the concern over nuclear terrorism, may not be those solely designed to ensure compliance, but rather those that are better equipped to identify and solve new problems. This article draws on a burgeoning literature on ‘new’ or ‘experimental’ governance and advances an analytical framework to consider the extent to which states and other actors might be turning toward an alternative set of mechanisms that rely more heavily on non-binding standards and recommendations, peer review, increased participation, and experimentation to generate new knowledge about the challenges they face, even in the ‘hard’ case of security cooperation. It then explores this potential reorientation in two separate, but complementary cases that have emerged as key tools in preventing illicit nuclear proliferation: the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering (FATF), which seeks to bolster states' counter-financing of terrorism systems, and the UNSC Resolution 1540 Committee, which guides efforts to fill the governance gaps in the nuclear non-proliferation regime. Although both cases on paper contain more traditional enforcement components, in practice they rely increasingly on experimental governance. The article concludes with an evaluation of the promise and limits of an experimentalist framework in understanding the evolution of governance arrangements in response to a more complex security environment and suggests potential avenues for future research.

scholarly journals Elite Cues and Economic Policy Attitudes: The Mediating Role of Economic Hardship

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Cavaillé ◽  
Anja Neundorf
Keyword(s):  
New Right ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Attitudinal Change ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Mediating Role ◽  
Policy Attitudes ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
The One

AbstractDo voters update their attitudes toward economic issues in line with their material self-interest? The consensus among students of public opinion is that material self-interest plays a very limited role and that competing non-material factors, such as partisanship or ideological predispositions, do most of the heavy lifting. This paper moves beyond comparing the role of material and non-material factors. Instead, we examine how these factors combine to shape policy preferences. Specifically, we propose a friendly amendment to Zaller’s influential model according to which attitudinal change results from the interaction between changes in elite messaging on the one hand and individual political predispositions on the other. In Zaller’s model, partisanship and ideological predispositions help explain why some resist and others embrace new elite messaging. We hypothesize that material self-interest also conditions the effect of elite messaging. Using British individual-level panel data collected over more than a decade, we show that material hardship predicts who, among left-wing voters, resist new right-wing partisan cues. Our results highlights the incremental impact of material self-interest on economic attitudes.

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