scholarly journals Rethinking Electoral Reform Processes after the Report of the Electoral Commission on the Review of the MMP Voting System

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ashleigh Bennett

<p>The 2012 Report of the Electoral Commission on the Review of the MMP system recommended that several changes be made to the way in which future parliaments are elected in New Zealand. The lack of legislative response to the recommendations highlighted an issue inherent in New Zealand’s constitutional arrangements - that changes to electoral rules are designed and enacted by politicians, and there is no mechanism through which citizens can initiate or meaningfully engage with electoral reform processes. This paper looks at whether there is a better way that such proposals for electoral rule changes could be managed, proposing the use of ‘citizen initiated’ Citizens’ Assemblies on Electoral Reform.</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ashleigh Bennett

<p>The 2012 Report of the Electoral Commission on the Review of the MMP system recommended that several changes be made to the way in which future parliaments are elected in New Zealand. The lack of legislative response to the recommendations highlighted an issue inherent in New Zealand’s constitutional arrangements - that changes to electoral rules are designed and enacted by politicians, and there is no mechanism through which citizens can initiate or meaningfully engage with electoral reform processes. This paper looks at whether there is a better way that such proposals for electoral rule changes could be managed, proposing the use of ‘citizen initiated’ Citizens’ Assemblies on Electoral Reform.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
James Christmas

<p>In the eighty years between the passage of New Zealand's first unified Electoral Act in 1927, and the passage of the Electoral Finance Act 2007, the New Zealand Parliament passed 66 acts that altered or amended New Zealand's electoral law. One central assumption of theories of electoral change is that those in power only change electoral rules strategically, in order to protect their self-interest.1 This thesis is an investigation into the way New Zealand governments effect and have effected their desired changes to the electoral law through the legislative process, and the roles self-interest and the active search for consensus between political parties have played in that process. It argues that, while self-interest serves as a compelling explanation for a great deal of electoral law change in New Zealand, altruistic motivations and the development of parliamentary processes influenced behaviour to an equal, and perhaps even greater, extent.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-119
Author(s):  
Joseph Harris ◽  
Joel Selway

AbstractWhat explains the passage of Thailand's landmark universal healthcare (UHC) policy? In separate contributions, Selway and Harris emphasized the role of electoral rules and political parties, on one hand, and “professional movements” of developmentally minded state bureaucrats on the other. Which is correct? In this article, Selway and Harris respond to each other's work. While Selway agrees that the actions of the professional movement constitute an underappreciated necessary condition for universal healthcare in Thailand, he argues that Harris overstates the role of the movement in implementation. Harris defends his position and maintains that an institution-focused account is insufficient, arguing that the actions of Thailand's Rural Doctors’ Movement not only explain universal healthcare but also gave rise to the very electoral rule changes that Selway argues were so critical to facilitating universal coverage. Selway responds to these criticisms, and the two researchers jointly consider implications for causation, qualitative research, and policymaking theory.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
James Christmas

<p>In the eighty years between the passage of New Zealand's first unified Electoral Act in 1927, and the passage of the Electoral Finance Act 2007, the New Zealand Parliament passed 66 acts that altered or amended New Zealand's electoral law. One central assumption of theories of electoral change is that those in power only change electoral rules strategically, in order to protect their self-interest.1 This thesis is an investigation into the way New Zealand governments effect and have effected their desired changes to the electoral law through the legislative process, and the roles self-interest and the active search for consensus between political parties have played in that process. It argues that, while self-interest serves as a compelling explanation for a great deal of electoral law change in New Zealand, altruistic motivations and the development of parliamentary processes influenced behaviour to an equal, and perhaps even greater, extent.</p>


2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Janine Hayward

In 2011 New Zealand held a referendum on the future of its voting system for general elections. Following the referendum, the current voting system was retained, and the Electoral Commission reviewed the system and made recommendations for change in late 2012. In early 2013 the government’s response to those recommendations is still awaited. Recognising the importance of this process, this article considers an alternative approach to electoral reform, drawing on the experiences of Canada’s and Holland’s use of citizens’ assemblies in the electoral policy-making process. The article considers the merits and limitations of citizens’ assemblies for electoral reform, particularly in the New Zealand context. It proposes the form and function of a citizens’ assembly on electoral reform in New Zealand to complement the reform process. Overseas experience demonstrates that, with some caveats, a citizens’ assembly remains a possibility for electoral reform and other constitutional policy change in New Zealand in the future. 


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack Bielasiak ◽  
John W. Hulsey

The article examines how the structure of party systems, that is, effective number of political actors, electoral volatility, and shares of dominant party votes and seats, affect the initiation and direction of electoral reform in post-communist democracies. Based on a dataset of electoral rule changes in post-communist democracies from 1992 to 2008, we analyze the frequency and direction of reforms over time. The findings reveal that the frequency of reforms declines with successive electoral cycles but not to the degree suggested by theories of institutional inertia. Countries with high levels of voter volatility are more likely to engage in reforms; however, the findings in this article demonstrate that politicians react to volatility by inconsistently choosing between permissive and restrictive responses.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (01) ◽  
pp. 139-144
Author(s):  
Paul R. Abramson

AbstractDuring the six weeks before the 2008 elections, I conducted a contest for the 72 students enrolled in my upper-division course Campaigns and Elections. Using contract prices posted by Intrade.com, an electronic gaming market based in Dublin, I asked students to choose among 10 political outcomes. The “contracts” earned by each choice were determined by the Intrade “bid” prices as of September 24, 2008, the day the contest began. The contest helped teach students about campaign strategies, the way electoral rules affect electoral outcomes, provided a reference point to discuss the campaign, and was designed to stimulate interest in the election.


2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 675-684
Author(s):  
Johannes Krause

Despite the 2020 reform of Germany’s national parliament voting law, the debate about a robust voting system has not ended . Träger and Jacobs have convincingly shown that Naun­dorf’s suggestion to introduce a parallel voting system creates more problems than it solves, and thus more far-reaching approaches have to be considered . One way to stop the Bunde­stag from growing is to reject the two vote-system . Comparable to the system of Thuringia’s local elections, with open lists and three votes per voter, both the standard size of the Bun­destag can be safely adhered to and at the same time a personalized proportional represen­tation can be maintained . Among other advantages, the voters would have greater influence on the personalized composition of the Bundestag . In particular, reservations on the part of the political parties could stand in the way of such a sustainable solution to the ongoing problems with the German electoral system .


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Richard Vaughan Kriby

"Lumen Accipe et Imperti ", says the motto of Wellington College; and, in becoming a teacher, after being a pupil of the College, I fully accepted the injunction to receive the light and impart it. But it took the preparation of this thesis on the apprenticeship system to bring home to me the<br>strength of the human impulse implied in those four<br>Latin words.<br>In the ideal, the impulse is personified in Oliver Goldsmith's description of the village schoolmaster who "...tried each art, reproved each dull delay; Allur'd to brighter worlds, and led the way."<br><div>It is this impulse to seek skills and to hand them on which helps to explain the enigma of a system apparently always on the point of being out-moded, and yet surviving time and change, depression and prosperity, wars and its greatest challenge, the machine age.</div><div>In 1898 - before the Boer War - a Member of the New Zealand Parliament announced that a pair of boots had been made in 25 minutes, passing through 53 different machines and 63 pairs of hands. The tone of the brief, ensuing discussion was one suited to the occasion of an imminent demise, and a Bill for improvement of the apprenticeship system then before the House quietly expired.<br><br></div>


Author(s):  
Hilary Radner

Through an examination of three special issues devoted to The Lord of the Rings trilogy in Pavement, a New Zealand magazine, I propose to discuss the way in which the representation of these films suggests the complexities of the intersection between the global and the local within New Zealand culture and its consequences in particular in terms of the marginalisation of an indigenous discourse. I draw upon the work of scholars such as T. Bennett and J. Woolacott to define and examine the “reading formations” mobilized by the LOTR phenomenon within such publications as Pavement, directed towards a local NZ ‘hip’ readership.


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