scholarly journals Skandynawskie partie skrajnej prawicy – oblicze organizacyjne Duńskiej Partii Ludowej

2017 ◽  
pp. 138-152
Author(s):  
Tomasz Archutowski

Since its emergence in 1995 the Danish People’s Party has become the second biggest political party in Denmark. The popularity of the DPP has also played an important role in the emergence and growth in popularity of the right-wing populist parties in the rest of Scandinavia. One of the most important factors that contributed to the growth in the popularity of the DPP has been the specific organisation of the party based on the charismatic leadership of its leaders Pia Kjærsgaard and Kristian Thulesen Dahl. The hierarchical structure of the right-wing populist parties combined with the party discipline enables the parties to react quickly to changing social attitudes, and as a result, to attract new voters.

2015 ◽  
pp. 301-323
Author(s):  
Agata Pogorzelska-Kliks

The article discusses immigration in Switzerland after 1945: its dynamics and the policy of the federal government towards immigration and immigrants. An important issue addressed in the paper are relations between Helvetian Federation and European Union, especially with respect to bilateral agreements concerning free movement of people. The second part of the article is devoted to social attitudes towards immigration as well as the increasingly radical views of the right-wing groups, especially Swiss People’s Party (SVP, in French – Democratic Union of the Centre – UDC) on immigration, which is most vividly manifested in public initiatives submitted to popular vote. An analysis of the results of votes demonstrates that the attitudes of the Swiss public towards immigration are not uniform. Initiatives aimed at expelling immigrants from Switzerland are rejected, but so are proposals of laws which make obtaining Swiss citizenship easier. Furthermore, the author discusses the Federation’s immigrant integration policies, in which emphasis is put on integration on the job market or social integration, while completely ignoring political integration (granting civil rights). The final issue addressed in this paper is the analysis of a watershed in the history of immigration in Switzerland, namely the public vote of February 9th, 2014 “Against Mass Immigration” and its consequences. This has been discussed based on source texts (text of the public initiative and commentaries of politicians, sociologists and journalists).


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 573-581 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gareth Norris

The resurgence in interest in authoritarianism has been linked to a rise in the acceptance of right-wing ideology and also restrictions on civil liberties, particularly in relation to surveillance and the right to privacy. Whilst we can observe simple correlations between these variables, the dynamics of threat are more complex to understand. The analysis reported here demonstrates how the relationship between authoritarianism and the curtailment of civil liberties is moderated by the threat of terrorism. Using 2005 British Social Attitudes survey data, collected either side of the 7/7 bombings, comparisons between the pre-post samples indicate that the threat of terrorism activates authoritarian tendencies and reduces the protection of rights to privacy from government. Interestingly and importantly, reactions to terrorism in the form of a change in opinion regarding civil liberties for those scoring higher in authoritarianism remained almost constant between the two periods. The results provide support for understanding how minority opinions (removal of rights to privacy) can become majority views during times of threat.


Significance The new government will have only 34 of the 179 seats, because policy differences among the right-wing parties, and the political strategy of the electorally strengthened anti-immigration, Euro-sceptic Danish People's Party (DF), mean DF will remain outside. Policy-making will be difficult. The government will be more economically liberal and pro-EU than it would have been with DF, but to make policy it will rely on partners across the political spectrum, especially the ousted Social Democrats -- who remain the largest party -- and DF. Impacts If DF is seen as a welfarist protector of ordinary citizens, it is more likely to repeat, at least, its 22% vote in the next election. The much-tighter immigration regime which is in prospect could taint Denmark's image and make it less attractive to foreign investment. The new government is likely to be an ally for much of UK Prime Minister David Cameron's EU reform agenda.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Doerr

This article examines visual posters and symbols constructed and circulated transnationally by various political actors to mobilize contentious politics on the issues of immigration and citizenship. Following right-wing mobilizations focusing on the Syrian refugee crisis, immigration has become one of the most contentious political issues in Western Europe. Right-wing populist political parties have used provocative visual posters depicting immigrants or refugees as ‘criminal foreigners’ or a ‘threat to the nation’, in some countries and contexts conflating the image of the immigrant with that of the Islamist terrorist. This article explores the transnational dynamics of visual mobilization by comparing the translation of right-wing nationalist with left-wing, cosmopolitan visual campaigns on the issue of immigration in Western Europe. The author first traces the crosscultural translation and sharing of an anti-immigrant poster created by the Swiss People’s Party (SVP), a right-wing political party, inspiring different extremist as well as populist right-wing parties and grassroots activists in several other European countries. She then explores how left-libertarian social movements try to break racist stereotypes of immigrants. While right-wing political activists create a shared stereotypical image of immigrants as foes of an imaginary ethnonationalist citizenship, left-wing counter-images construct a more complex and nuanced imagery of citizenship and cultural diversity in Europe. The findings show the challenges of progressive activists’ attempts to translate cosmopolitan images of citizenship across different national and linguistic contexts in contrast to the right wing’s rapid and effective instrumentalizing and translating of denigrating images of minorities in different contexts.


Politik ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Silas L. Marker

This paper examines the phenomenon of right-wing populism in Denmark in the year of 2019 by applying qualitative discourse analysis to a sample of central public texts from the right-wing populist parties New Right and The Danish People’s Party. Both parties utilize populist discourse by constructing a popular bloc (“the people”) stabilized by its constitutive outside: The elite and the Muslim immigrants. However, the discourses of the two parties differ from each other insofar as New Right articulates the strongest antagonism between the people and the elite, while The Danish People’s Party downplays this antagonism, most likely because the party has a central power position in Danish politics. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-29
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov

The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in the Netherlands, held on March 15-17, 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2021, and describes all the leading Dutch political parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2021. The results of the activities of the government headed by the leader of the “People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy” M. Rutte, formed following the results of the 2017 elections, are presented. The reasons for the resignation of this government, which took place on the eve of the elections, and its impact on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It was noted how the coronavirus pandemic and the government’s actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activity of the main opposition parties in this country is evaluated: the right-wing Eurosceptic Freedom Party of Wilders, the center-left Labor Party and others. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament as a result of these elections, are considered. The positions of the country’s leading political parties on their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Dutch relations is analyzed. A forecast is given of how the election results will affect the formation of the new government of this country and the political, trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands.


2015 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudio Fuentes

AbstractThis article outlines the factors that explain changes in the rules of the game in Chile after the restoration of democracy in 1990. It looks particularly at the reasons why the right-wing parties—strong defenders of the constitution imposed by General Augusto Pinochet in 1980—accepted reforms that eliminated many of what the literature has termed authoritarian enclaves. The article explains this shift by observing significant changes in the political context that, in turn, affected the priorities of veto players. In this context, short-term strategic calculations by the right-wing parties, aiming to achieve a new balance of power less detrimental to their interests, opened a window of opportunity that led to congressional approval of important reforms. Particular institutional features of the Chilean political system—party discipline and a balance of power in favor of the executive—also helped the political actors to reach agreement.


1969 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen L. Evans

In descriptions of the political structure of the Weimar Republic, the German Center Party is usually grouped as a party of the “middle,” together with the German Democratic Party and German People's Party, between the left-wing Social Democrats and the right-wing German Nationalists. In the years after 1928, the Center showed an increasing disinclination to work in coalition with the Social Democratic Party and finally, under the leadership of Dr. Ludwig Kaas, the last chairman of the Center Party, broke completely with the Socialists. During the same years Heinrich Brüning, Chancellor of Germany from 1930 to 1932, made persistent, though futile, attempts to find an acceptable coalition partner for the Center on the Right, hoping, among other possibilities, to encourage a secession movement from the Nationalist Party in 1930. Because of the rapid dwindling of electoral support for the other parties of the middle, very little attention has been paid to the Center's relationship with them. It is the purpose of this article to show that the mutual antipathies between these parties and the Center were as great or greater than its antipathy toward Social Democracy on certain matters which were vital to the Center's existence. By 1928, in fact, coalition with the parties of the middle had become as unsatisfactory to the leaders of the Center as coalition with the party of the Left. The turning-point in this development was the breakup of the Marx-Keudell right-wing cabinet of 1927. The failure of that government to attain the party's goals in the realm of Kulturpolitik, i.e., religion and education, confirmed the Center's disillusionment with the workings of the parliamentary system itself.


2021 ◽  
Vol 01 (05) ◽  
pp. 128-140
Author(s):  
A.A. Tyrygin ◽  

The article deals with the criticism of the financial reform of Reich Minister Matthias Erzberger in the Weimar National Assembly from the right-wing parties that expressed the interests of big proprietors and the industrial elite. Erzberger, seeking to create a centralized tax system, has come across consistent criticism from the leader of the radical wing of the German National People's Party faction Alfred Hugenberg, a Pan-German, experienced financier and former head of the Friedrich Krupp AG concern. The Hugenberg's criticism, who was seeking to make a political career, were the draft laws on socialization and emergency tax, submitted to the deputies of the National Assembly. The campaign against Erzberger, accompanied by sharp attacks and widespread public condemnation, ended with the rejection of part of the Reich Minister's law drafts and the subsequent resignation. The analysis of the published political speeches of Hugenberg and materials from periodicals shed light on the specifics of parliamentary discussions, allowing to reveal the arguments of the right against the continuation of democratization of the Weimar Republic in the early years of its existence.


Significance However, as opinion polls show that contending left- and right-wing party blocs are closer in terms of voting intentions, the government's performance and ability to collaborate with smaller parties remain key to the left’s ability to return for another term in office. Impacts Tight electoral competition between left and right points to a couple of years of political uncertainty for international investors. In the event of an early election, the most plausible scenario is a coalition of the centre-right People's Party and far-right Vox. The People's Party’s move further to the right could open space for the liberal Ciudadanos party to reclaim centrist support.


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