scholarly journals The Political Role of Women in the City of Santri, Situbondo (Overview of Political Communication)

Author(s):  
Nur Ainiyah

This study aims to show how the role of women's political communication in the city of santri (a student in Islamic boarding school) in facing political power that is dominated by men in Situbondo. It becomes a development in women's political communication in a practical and scientific manner. The reality of the political climate in Situbondo is inseparable from the influence of the kyai as religious and cultural figures, so each of his political perceptions and views certainly has its own perspective and far from gender justice. Consequently, this affects the political space for female santri in Situbondo. In this research, building theoretical interconnections from building theoretical frameworks used such as political communication, gender analysis and phenomenology, related to the focus of research. With a qualitative-explorative research approach, several steps in the procedure of collecting observational data, interviews and documentation are applied consistently and continuously. The results of the research are firstly Santri woman has a political outlook with the benefit of minimizing conflict; secondly cultural barriers as a medium of political communication are effectively overcome by female santri. Besides, female santri tend to override political choices by preferring the political choices of the figures they envision for benefit purposes.

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-330
Author(s):  
Nur Ainiyah

This research has been aim for showing about how discourse analysis in media pilkada politic communication in situbondo, politic communication strategic was built by  candidate of regency fatayat inhegemoni or power of priyayi politic in Situbondo. So became development in politic communication of candidate leader of area on practice and scholarship. Then many questions will be answered are: 1) how is Fatayat of women Situbondo preception of realty politic in Situbondo. 2) How do Fatayat women face the obstacles of political communication in Situbondo? 3) How do Fatayat women build political communication strategies in dealing with kyai political hegemony in Situbondo? By using qualitative-explorative research approach, some steps in observation data collection procedure, interview and documentation are done consistently and continuously so that the first research produce political climate in Situbondo is in the power of kyai (men) in gender analysis is patriarchy political culture so space women's politics are not as free as the political space of men. Both communication barriers and women's political participation are found in several factors, including cultural barriers, political capital constraints and human resource constraints. The three strategies of women's political communication are carried out in several ways: firstly lobbying, establishing cooperation with various parties and agencies, both communication processes ranging from message selection, media selection and proper selection of communication so that communication strategy becomes effective.


2011 ◽  
Vol 141 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ki-Sung Kwak

This article examines the political role of online media in the process of democratisation in South Korea. It argues that online media in Korea emerged when the institutionalisation of the political parties was weak, and when the mainstream media were polarised, losing the trust of the general public. These two factors allowed new forces in civil society to emerge as influential mediators in political communication and mobilisation. The political impact of online media experienced in the Korean context shows that the great potential of the internet demonstrated in the first half of the 2000s proved to be less potent in the 2007 presidential election because political and media contingencies had neutralised it. In 2007, online media were adopted by the incumbent political party and also by the mainstream media, which utilised their existing power resources and advantage.


Theoria ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 67 (165) ◽  
pp. 92-117
Author(s):  
Bronwyn Leebaw

What kinds of lessons can be learned from stories of those who resisted past abuses and injustices? How should such stories be recovered, and what do they have to teach us about present day struggles for justice and accountability? This paper investigates how Levi, Broz, and Arendt formulate the political role of storytelling as response to distinctive challenges associated with efforts to resist systematic forms of abuse and injustice. It focuses on how these thinkers reflected on such themes as witnesses, who were personally affected, to varying degrees, by atrocities under investigation. Despite their differences, these thinkers share a common concern with the way that organised atrocities are associated with systemic logics and grey zones that make people feel that it would be meaningless or futile to resist. To confront such challenges, Levi, Arendt and Broz all suggest, it is important to recover stories of resistance that are not usually heard or told in ways that defy the expectations of public audiences. Their distinctive storytelling strategies are not rooted in clashing theories of resistance, but rather reflect different perspectives on what is needed to make resistance meaningful in contexts where the failure of resistance is intolerable.


1984 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne Pepper ◽  
Gordon White

1983 ◽  
Vol 98 (4) ◽  
pp. 730
Author(s):  
Robert J. Harris ◽  
Arthur Selwyn Miller

1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-200
Author(s):  
J. H. Shennan

The most recent biographer of Montesquieu has written:…the similarity between the ideas of the former president a tnortier and those of the parlements is sometimes striking.…The king, they admit, is the legislator and the fount of justice. The parlements, however, are the repositories of his supreme juris-diction. To remove it from them is to offend the laws of the state and to overthrow the ancient legal structure of the kingdom.…This tradition of the parlements inspired and was inspired by the political doctrine of Montesquieu; and when the President writes of the monarchy of his own day…as being the best form of government that men have been able to imagine, it is monarchy supported by this tradition which he has in mind.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-384
Author(s):  
Lode Van Outrive

We set out by tracking the political vicissitudes of the administration of justice and their connections with a range of phenomena: the neglect by politicians; a series of events and scandals and the very curious reactions of the judicial apparatus; several parliamentary investigation commissions without much effect. Then we take a critical look at partisan politicisation of the magistrature: negative evalution of their output thrives to it; but there are also partisan appointments and promotions, even absence and refusal of training. Many contextual factors hinder a normal, acceptable process of politicisation: over- and underregulation, bad legislation, misconception on contra! over the administration of justice and over judges, non-democratic decisionmaking within the organisation of the magistrature, the development of wrong relationship inside the trias politica; but also other more external conditions were not met neither.  We wind up with an examination of the assesment of recent governmental proposals: an improvement of criminal and judicial inquiries; foundation of a national advisory body for the magistrature; simplification of the legislation; modernisation of the courts activities; a more objective recruitment and selection system; more easy access to justice etc. The question raises as to wether it suffices to tinker with the sy stem of the administration of justice alone ... Between the Belgian and the Italian situations are similarities and relevant differences. 


1951 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 703
Author(s):  
Leonard W. Labaree ◽  
Carl Bridenbaugh

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