scholarly journals Thirty Years of Innocence

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Norris ◽  
James Acker ◽  
Catherine Bonventre ◽  
Allison Redlich

Systematic reporting of data about wrongful conviction cases in the United States typically begins with 1989, the year of the country’s first post-conviction, DNA-based exonerations. Year-end 2018 thus concludes a full thirty years of information and marks a propitious time to take stock. In this article, we provide an overview of known exonerations, innocence advocacy, and wrongful conviction-related policy reforms in the U.S. during these three decades. First, we provide a brief history of wrongful convictions in the U.S. before turning to the modern era of innocence. We describe the key sources of data pertaining to wrongful convictions and exonerations. Then, using case data from the National Registry of Exonerations, we offer a detailed analysis of national and state-by-state trends in exonerations, including annual totals, DNA- and non-DNA-exonerations, and capital case exonerations. Our examination includes factors corresponding to sources of error, state death-penalty status, and regional differences. We then discuss innocence advocacy organizations, with a particular focus on Centurion Ministries and members of the Innocence Network. This is followed by an examination of state-by-state trends in innocence-related policy reforms on key issues as identified by the Innocence Project. The final section of the article discusses the many important matters we do not yet know about wrongful convictions and poses thoughts, questions, and ideas for continued scholarship focusing on miscarriages of justice. The Appendix provides state-by-state summaries of select information relating to wrongful convictions and innocence reforms.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
William D. Hicks ◽  
Kevin J. Mullinix ◽  
Robert J. Norris

Abstract Wrongful convictions are an increasing salient feature of criminal justice discourse in the United States. Many states have adopted reforms to mitigate the likelihood of wrongful convictions, discover errors, and provide redress in the wake of exonerations, yet we know little about why some are seemingly more committed to reducing such errors than others. We argue that public opinion is consequential for policy reform, but its effects are contingent on the electoral vulnerability of state lawmakers. We also suggest that advocacy organizations play a critical role in policy adoption. Incorporating data from all 50 states from 1989 to 2018, we investigate the adoption of five types of wrongful conviction reforms: (1) changes to eyewitness identification practices, (2) mandatory recording of interrogations, (3) the preservation of biological evidence, (4) access to postconviction DNA testing, and (5) exoneree compensation. Our results highlight a more nuanced view of how public opinion shapes policy.


Author(s):  
Gwladys Gilliéron

This chapter compares U.S. plea bargaining with plea-bargaining-type procedures and penal orders in Continental Europe, with reference to Switzerland, Germany, and France. It first considers consensual criminal procedures across jurisdictions and why they exist, focusing on plea bargaining in the U.S. criminal justice system and abbreviated trial procedures in European civil law systems. It then examines the extent to which abbreviated trial procedures in civil law systems differ from plea bargaining in the U.S. system, the problems inherent in consensual criminal procedures, and the question of whether there are any solutions. In particular, it explains how plea bargaining and penal orders may lead to wrongful convictions. Finally, it discusses prospects for reform of plea bargaining in the United States and in civil law systems in Europe.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Johnson ◽  
Katie Hanna ◽  
Julie Novak ◽  
Angelo P. Giardino

While society at large recognizes the many benefits of sport, it is important to also recognize and prevent factors that can lead to an abusive environment. This paper seeks to combine the current research on abuse in the sport environment with the work of the U.S. Center for SafeSport. The inclusion of risk factors unique to sport and evidence-informed practices provides framing for the scope and response to sexual abuse in sport organizations in the United States. The paper then explores the creation and mission of the U.S. Center for SafeSport, including the role of education in prevention and of policy, procedures, audit, and compliance as important aspects of a comprehensive safeguarding strategy. This paper provides preliminary data on the reach of the Center, established in 2017. This data captures the scope of education and training and the increase in reports to the Center from within the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Movement.


1977 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adolf Sprudzs

Among the many old and new actors on the international stage of nations the United States is one of the most active and most important. The U.S. is a member of most existing intergovernmental organizations, participates in hundreds upon hundreds of international conferences and meetings every year and, in conducting her bilateral and multilateral relations with the other members of the community of nations, contributes very substantially to the development of contemporary international law. The Government of the United States has a policy of promptly informing the public about developments in its relations with other countries through a number of documentary publication, issued by the Department of State


This essay is a response to Guillermo Ibarra’s contribution to this book, Global Perspectives on the United States. It argues that Ibarra’s essay can usefully remind readers of the many ways the U.S. and Latin America are connected. While Ibarra highlights the transnational nature of U.S. cities and how Mexican immigrants in the U.S. remain tied to communities in their home country while simultaneously embracing largely positive views of the U.S., Spellacy wants to situate Ibarra’s project in relation to scholarly and artistic works that conceive of the Americas as a space joined by historical ties and the continued traffic of people, ideas, commodities, and culture across national borders. Spellacy asks how a hemispheric understanding of the Americas could help us comprehend the new form of citizenship embraced by Mexican immigrants considered in Ibarra’s essay, and she suggests that it might be fruitful to think across disciplinary divides and consider these questions in relation to scholars working on hemispheric cultural studies. For example, she asks, if citizenship is performed rather than taken for granted, is it not important to consider the role culture plays in this process?


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-59
Author(s):  
Kayla Schwoerer

This study employs social network analysis to examine more than 10,000 Twitter interactions that include the U.S. Freedom of Information Act hashtag (#FOIA) to understand who is engaging online, and to what extent. The analysis finds evidence of a dynamic conversation online among citizens, journalists, advocates, and public agencies. Findings offer insights into how citizens are using social media to engage with government and one another in conversations around important public policies, such as government transparency, as well as how technologies such as social media can be leveraged to better understand citizens’ interest. The study also found a significant increase in tweets during national Sunshine Week, a vehicle that increases national dialogue about FOI, and highlights effective social media strategies employed by MuckRock and other advocacy organizations.


1967 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-256
Author(s):  
Jorgen S. Rasmussen

Political parties in representative democracies have, as two of their most significant functions, to facilitate popular participation in the decision-making process and to implement, through control of governmental organs, those policies which are popularly favoured. Judged by these criteria, American parties are dysfunctional—so one critical school argues. American parties, they charge, are responsible neither to their members nor voters and are so organized and operated that they fail to govern effectively. When, in the early 1950s, this case against American parties had its greatest acceptance in the discipline, a number of critics contrasted American parties unfavourably with British parties. As an earlier generation of political scientists had urged Americans to adopt British institutions of government, so the critics of American parties favoured reforms which they thought were characteristic of British parties. If American parties became more like British parties, they argued, those parties would be more responsible and effective. Defenders of American parties refuted the critics' diagnosis and prescription by emphasizing the many environmental and institutional differences between Britain and the United States. British experience simply was not applicable in the U.S., they maintained. As study of British parties progressed an even more devastating rejoinder to critics of American parties emerged. Various findings began to suggest that although British parties obviously were much more cohesive in the legislature than were American parties, they were not nearly as responsible as the critics had assumed.


1993 ◽  
Vol 1993 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-56
Author(s):  
Joseph E. Lees

ABSTRACT In response to widespread public concern, Congress enacted the comprehensive Oil Pollution Act of 1990. This, in addition to legislation enacted by many coastal states, will bring dramatic changes to oil spill response in the United States. This paper considers OPA 90's response planning requirements, the rule-making process for implementing these requirements, and key issues in response planning. It compares the proposed federal requirements with state response planning and contractor requirements. The response planning system faces a long period of adjustment. Sustained efforts will be needed to harmonize the many state and federal laws and regulations into a coherent, consistent, and understandable response regime.


1998 ◽  
Vol 7 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 157-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xixiao Guo

AbstractAmong the many U.S. servicemen stationed in China after World War II were the marines of the U.S. Third Amphibious Corps (IIIAC), sailors from the U.S. Seventh Fleet, and U.S. army personnel.1 Transported to the seaports of coastal China like Shanghai, as well as placed on the main communication lines between the major cities of the interior, these Americans encountered Chinese of all kinds—students, soldiers, merchants, bandits, politicians, and prostitutes. But whereas the Americans were done with their fighting in 1945, China was quickly convulsed into civil war between the Nationalist government of the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The fighting between the two dated to the 1920s. There was a brief period of uneasy unity before fighting erupted again, leading to Kuomintang successes and the Communists’ Long March of 1934–36. Japan’s brutal aggression after 1937 put an end to most of the fighting between the KMT and CCP, but once it became clear after 1941 that the United States would defeat Japan, it was only a question of time before the two started at each other. Given the longevity, magnitude, intensity, and complexity of the Chinese Civil War, the interaction between American soldiers and the Chinese people during this critical period in history was bound to be calamatous for all those involved.


2021 ◽  
Vol 275 ◽  
pp. 01006
Author(s):  
Ruiqian Chang

This paper provides a detailed analysis of the difference between the Chinese stock market and the U.S. stock market under the development of financial technology. In conclusion, we find that the Chinese stock market is more dominated by retail investors, but the United States owns more stocks, mostly held by institutional investors, and has a better financial mindset. The behavior of investors in the Chinese stock market is mainly the excessive speculation of investors in the Chinese market. This is one of the reasons for the many fluctuations in the Chinese stock market. Due to the speculative nature of China’s stock market, the floating ratio reflects the management mechanism of China’s stock market and helps to observe the correlation with the U.S. stock market. And technology and digitalization affect the trading of the stock market. This research is correlational, and there is no causality implied.


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