scholarly journals An Analysis on The North Korean Politics and Purges from the point of Power Struggle : Focused on The Continuities and Changes in The Backgrounds and Types of The Power Struggles

2017 ◽  
Vol null (104) ◽  
pp. 1-49
Author(s):  
유동궁
SELONDING ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (13) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kadek Rismandika

Gong kebyar is the most popular Balinese gamelan ensemble. Gong kebyar is a new class of Balinese gamelan created between 1910 and 1915 in the north of Bali. The popularity of gong kebyar is used as a medium in the arena of power struggles. The analysis of this study uses the ethnomusicology point of view in discussing gong kebyar in the context of Balinese culture and sociology discipline to discuss gong kebyar in social scope critically. "Kebyar" refers to the Bourdieu power theory that used as a cultural capital in the arena of Balinese gamelan power struggle. Gong kebyar through cultural capital of the symbolic value "kebyar" gained dominance in the arena of Balinese gamelan power struggle. Balinese gamelan outside gong kebyar experiencing changes in the form of “tabuh gong” is the inclusion of the “tabuh gong” which is the identity of musical character of Gong kebyar. Keywords: gong kebyar, kebyar, cultural capital, Balinese gamelan.


Author(s):  
Luis Daniel Gascón ◽  
Aaron Roussell

This chapter explores how power struggles with police and racial antagonisms between Blacks and Latin@s problematize the goals of community policing and diminish the influence community leaders could build to shape police action. The crisscrossing conflicts that the authors observed between Black and Latin@ meeting leaders, Vera Fisher and Hector Mendoza, and the conflicts between another Black meeting leader, Julie Coleman, and Captain Himura frame this chapter. The discussion of a community policing “power struggle” between Blacks and Latin@s takes place within a compromised field, premised on the idea that police devolve authority to the community. Together, these characters demonstrate the ways in which members of the CPAB have only a contingent authority in meetings—given to them at the Captain’s behest—and how the local racial order and legal status of many HO participants undermine their authority as well. Leaders, if they choose to remain, must volunteer to comply with police authority. LAPD has erected a community policing apparatus that has provided rhetoric of community accountability, but, at least in Lakeside, has also succeeded in platforming divisive community politics.


1962 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 182-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chong-Sik Lee

Until the Chinese “volunteers” crossed the Yalu in November 1950, the Chinese involvement in North Korean politics seems to have been minimal. And yet, when the North Korean régime's very life and the Chinese border were threatened by the massive assault of the United Nations forces, the Chinese quickly came to the aid of the North Koreans. What is Chinese policy toward Korea? What are the prospects for Sino-Korean relations? Such questions will concern us for a long time. This article details part of the historical background to them.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (SI) ◽  
pp. 661-674
Author(s):  
Kevin J. O’Brien ◽  
Lianjiang Li ◽  
Mingxing Liu

Bureaucrat-assisted contention in China is a type of collective action in which native-born local officials help socioeconomic elites launch or sustain popular action against outsider party secretaries by leaking information and sabotaging repression. Bureaucrats who assist local influentials are neither elite allies nor institutional activists. Instead, they unleash or support collective action as a weapon in a power struggle against ambitious, heavy-handed or corrupt superiors. Unlike mass demonstrations that are mobilized as a bargaining chip, bureaucrat-assisted contention hinges on a partnership with local elites who have their own grievances and pursue their own goals. Because it combines bureaucratic politics and popular action, this type of contention can help us understand underexplored aspects of political opportunities, framing, and mobilizing structures. In particular, it shows how participants in contention sometimes span the state-society divide, and how collective action can influence (and be influenced by) power struggles within a government.


Author(s):  
Jamin Safi

AbstractThis study aims to explain the conflict Ambon, political upheaval in North Maluku to ethnic and religious conflicts 1999-2000. This study uses historical method. Historical research includes five stages: topic selection, heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The conflict that occurred since 19 January 1999 Maluku is a bloody event that coincides with Muslims celebrating the Eid al-Fitr 1419 Hijri. The conflict stems from a dispute between an angkot driver, a Christian Jacob Lauhery with Nursalim, an Islam of the Bugis Red Stone. Conflict then developed into religious conflict (Islam and Christian). In North Maluku conflicts also occur, local political upheaval, North Maluku causing polarization in society to ethnic and religious conflicts. The North Maluku conflict is also part of a power struggle. Another factor is the creation of a new sub-district of Makian Malifut based on PP. No.42 / 1999 has been rejected by the Kao community because it is considered contrary to customary law. The event spread to Tidore, Ternate, Jailolo and Bacan. The North Maluku conflict claimed thousands of lives, homes and places of worship, both Muslims and Christians burned. During the conflict, Pela Gandong in Ambon, Maluku and indigenous people in Maluku Kie Raha as a customary and cultural system no longer functions as a strong social bond.  Keywords: Conflict, Communal, Maluku, Ethnicity


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 160
Author(s):  
Nila Sastrawati

This paper discusses the concept of power adhered to by the South Sulawesi community and explains the power struggle which had occurred both in the past and present. The South Sulawesi community’s conceptiontraditional power on power signifies a strong, transcendental relationship between themselves and supernatural powers, wherein all objects possessing certain peculiarities are inseparable from the stable and unchanging cosmic world. Thus, gaukang holds a significant position in the life of the South Sulawesi community, particularly pertaining to matters of power struggle. The waxing and waning of traditional power in South Sulawesi is determined by at least three factors: firstly, a change in power patterns with the emergence of new elites having a commoner background; secondly, incessant resistance to feudalistic rule; and lastly, the application of modern bureaucratic model. The general conclusion of this paper emphasizes the position of gaukang as a central point affecting the various power struggles that occurred throughout the history of the South Sulawesi community. The enactment of Regional Regulation (Perda) No. 5 year 2016 on the Organization of Gowa Regency Local Cultural and Customary Institution provides a peek at how bureaucratic power had dismantled traditional power in Gowa Regency, which included, consequently, the transfer of authority over the royal heirlooms or gaukang of the Gowa Kingdom.


1999 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Mulholland

This paper attempts to explain what motivates the Catholic community in Portadown in their opposition to routing Orange Parades through their neighbourhoods. It argues that the parades issue cannot be fully explained in terms of a conflict over two equal but opposing sets of rights, or as a localised manifestation of a power struggle between the two ethno-national communities in Northern Ireland. Rather, it is best understood as a struggle against the sectarianism that governs relations between the two communities, and which Catholics experience as a violation of their dignity and rights. This violation effectively maintains their subordinate status by undermining their self-confidence, self-esteem and self-respect. This, in turn, diminishes their ability and willingness to participate in and to benefit from the socioeconomic and cultural life of one of the most prosperous provincial towns in the north of Ireland.


2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-227
Author(s):  
Tsolin Nalbantian

In 1957 and 1958, Lebanese Armenian political parties, through the medium of their newspapers, rearranged the Armenian neighborhoods of Bourj Hamoud and Corniche al-Nahr as Armenian territories, separate from, and often in opposition to, the Lebanese state. These Armenian parties, in vying with one another for authority over this territory, fashioned Armenian enemies of one another. The internal Armenian enemy of the Armenian nation was constructed from within the national space of Lebanon. The power struggle within the Armenian community in Lebanon challenges the placement of Armenians in the historiography of Lebanon, which considers them as refugees and therefore non-Lebanese or temporary residents of Lebanon as well as passive, impossible political actors.


Author(s):  
S. A. Polkhov ◽  

The article provides the first part of translation into Russian of the book VI of «Shincho̅-ko̅ ki», one of the major sources on the history of Japan of the 16th century. Book VI contains a copy of the 17 articles admonitions by Oda Nobunaga addressed to the sho̅gun Ashikaga Yoshiaki. In this document, Nobunaga reproached his master for self-will, selfishness and injustice. The appearance of the instructions testified to the intensification of the power struggle between the sho̅gun and Nobunaga. Book VI narrates about the sho̅gun’s open war against Nobunaga, who was in the ring of enemies in early 1573 — Takeda Shingen, the houses of Azai and Asakurа, the followers of the True Pure Land School, led by Honganji, and other opponents sought to coordinate their actions closely. In this situation, Nobunaga spared no effort to negotiate a peace with Yoshiaki. However, the truce was fragile; the shogun again challenged his powerful vassal, who moved the army to the capital, and then forced the suzerain, who was besieged in Makinoshima castle, to surrender, and sent him into exile. For O̅ta Gyu̅ichi, the author of the chronicle, the shogun after breaking up with Nobunaga turned into an “enemy of the realm”, his sympathy is definitely on the side of Nobunaga. In addition, scroll VI tells about the victorious end of the military campaign against the houses of Asakura and Azai, whose heads were forced to commit seppuku, as well as Nobunaga’s campaign in the north of Ise province with the aim of subjugating the local samurai clans, many of whom cooperated with the forces of Ikko̅-ikki.


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