Legal Aspects of Actions of the Traffic Police as a Chain Breaker for Covid-19 Transmission

The role of Police of the Republic of Indonesia in enforcing discipline among the community is very significant, especially the role of Traffic Police (SATLANTAS) in providing education to people who drive, use public transportation to access the public facilities and so on. However, people who want to be protected cannot accept the funeral of Covid-19 in their local cemeteries, by resisting police officers. So in this case, POLRI (the Police of the Republic of Indonesia) and especially the traffic polices play a significant role in facing the community. There is a need for legal protection for the efforts that the police will take in both preventive and repressive efforts. The purpose of this study is to analyze the Legal Aspects of traffic police action as a Covid-19 transmission chain breaker. The method used in this research is a normative juridical research method, which is research that focuses on examining the application of rules or norms in positive law. The purpose of this study is to analyze the legal aspects of traffic police action as a covid-19 chain breaker. This research is expected to provide information to the reader about the legal aspects of traffic police action as a Covid-19 chain breaker and a form of legal protection for traffic police who have a duty to break the covid-19 chain breaker. As for the results of this research, every action taken by the police, especially the traffic police during a pandemic to the public has a legal basis, namely Law Number 2 of 2002 on Police of the republic of Indonesia , Article 3 of Law Number 22 of 2009 traffic and road transport other the police also have a right to be protected like a civil society because they have the rights as stated in Article 28 of the 1945 Constitution and Article 10 of article number 8 of 2009 on the implementation of human rights principles and standards in the performance of the duties of the state police of the republic of Indonesia. So that for policyholders to be able to provide more strict regulations, and informative for the public and police officers can realize a common goal. It is hoped that no more similar cases will occur so that the public can better understand the rules in force in the Prevention of Covid-19 Transmission in Indonesia and the public can act more wisely in dealing with it.

The Economics of Policing and Public Safety

The efficiency of any police action depends on the relative magnitude of its crime-reducing benefits and legitimacy costs. Policing strategies that are socially efficient at the city level may be harmful at the local level, because the distribution of direct costs and benefits of police actions that reduce victimization is not the same as the distribution of indirect benefits of feeling safe. In the United States, the local misallocation of police resources is disproportionately borne by Black and Hispanic individuals. Despite the complexity of this particular problem, the incentives facing both police departments and police officers tend to be structured as if the goals of policing were simple—to reduce crime by as much as possible. Formal data collection on the crime reducing-benefits of policing, and not the legitimacy costs, produce s further incentives to provide more engagement than may be efficient in any specific encounter, at both the officer and departmental level. There is currently little evidence as to what screening, training, or monitoring strategies are most effective at encouraging individual officers to balance the crime reducing benefits and legitimacy costs of their actions.

“attitudes of the Spanish Police Towards Patients With Schizophrenia or Depressive Disorders”

Background: Police officers have become an important part of psychiatric patients´ care; however, few studies have assessed the Police´s attitudes toward these patients. Our aim is to analyze the effect of the stigma associated with different mental illnesses on police officers.Methods: the attitudes of 927 officers of the Spanish National Police Force towards a person with schizophrenia or depressive disorder in the role of person in need of assistance, victim, witness, or suspect, were assessed by means of the Attribution Questionnaire adapted to the police context. Different socio-demographic variables were also collected. Results: Police officers expressed more willingness to help, felt more pity and considered psychiatric patients to be less responsible for their situation than people who were not described as being mentally ill. They also showed increased feelings of anger and avoidance, greater danger perception and need for segregation and coercion for medical treatment, especially in schizophrenia. Being a woman, the elderly and having more working experience, are associated with less stigmatizing attitudes among officers. Conclusions: Police officers have certain attitudes about mental illness particularly schizophrenia, that require special attention, as they may disrupt police action. We found several factors associated with the persistence of these stigmatizing attitudes in the Police that can guide us to implement training programs to promote attitude changing especially at the beginning of the professional career.

Resisting racial militarism: War, policing and the Black Panther Party

The past ten years have witnessed a revival in scholarship on militarism, through which scholars have used the concept to make sense of the embeddedness of warlike relations in contemporary liberal societies and to account for how the social, political and economic contours of those same societies are implicated in the legitimation and organization of political violence. However, a persistent shortcoming has been the secondary role of race and coloniality in these accounts. This article demonstrates how we might position racism and colonialism as integral to the functioning of contemporary militarism. Centring the thought and praxis of the US Black Panther Party, we argue that the particular analysis developed by Black Panther Party members, alongside their often-tense participation in the anti–Vietnam War movement, offers a strong reading of the racialized and colonial politics of militarism. In particular, we show how their analysis of the ghetto as a colonial space, their understanding of the police as an illegitimate army of occupation and, most importantly, Huey Newton’s concept of intercommunalism prefigure an understanding of militarism premised on the interconnections between racial capitalism, violent practices of un/bordering and the dissolving boundaries between war and police action.

The Gray Zone of State-Insurgency Interface

This chapter emphasizes how the various steps in the process of disengagement from extremism are linked fundamentally to the nature of linkages between insurgency and society, thereby bringing civil society into the study of insurgency in a theoretically coherent way. In places where structural violence is pervasive and spectacular episodes of violence are also recurrent, this chapter shows how, from the perspective of local population, the conceptual lines between war and peace, legit and illicit, state and insurgency, lawful and lawless, crimes and political acts, police action and rebel resistance become blurred. Surrounded by violent specialists belonging to two warring sides, civilians in conflict zones learn to inhabit one foot in insurgency and one foot in the state, creating a sprawling gray zone of state-insurgency overlap. It is in these gray zones where grassroots civic associations nurture the first traces of informal exit networks, more successfully in the South than in the North.

POLICE RAIDS IN THEORY AND PRACTICE – RELICT OF OLD SCHOOL CRIMINALISTICS OR JUST A DEMONSTRATION OF FORCE

The paper first discusses the normative regulation of the raid, as a type of restriction of movement in a certain area, which is carried out by the police, and then this action is viewed as a criminalistic institute and its evolution is followed through scientific interest in the mentioned phenomenon. Frequent application of raids in domestic police practice could, at first glance, give it the epithet of a useful tool in the fight against crime. The author tried to examine this thesis through empirical research of raids in catering facilities on the territory of Serbia, conducted during 2017 and 2019, in which the sample consisted of a total of 738 respondents, 442 citizens and 296 members of the Ministry of Interior of the Republic of Serbia. Parameters related to the preparation, objectives, implementation, outcomes and analysis of the conducted raids were analyzed by descriptive statistics, correlation method and interview, as well as the subjective feeling of respondents regarding the frequency and justification of implementing such a measure. The obtained data were interpreted in the discussion through the prism of comparative practice and relevant studies on this type of police activity, within the strategies of enhanced police action (hot spot policing) and their effects on the situation of crime. In this way, author tried to popularize the issue of raids in the scientific framework and to improve the practical criminalistic and police activities, as scientific and social goals of this paper. The results of the research show that the raids are well received both among police officers and among citizens, although there is no clear evidence of their positive effects on crime prevention. In the absence of domestic ones, the author referred to the relevant foreign researches, which notice several main weaknesses of this kind of police action on criminal hotspots – short-term effects and the so-called. “spillovers” of crime. In the end, instead of spectacular large-scale actions, among which the majority of affected are ordinary citizens, the creators of police action strategies are suggested an individual approach in solving the problem of crime.

Triaging online child abuse material: testing a decision support tool to enhance law enforcement and investigative prioritisation

PurposeOnline production and transmission of child abuse material (CAM) is a complex and growing global problem. The exponential increase in the volume of CyberTips of CAM offending is placing information processing and decision-making strains on law enforcement. This paper presents the outcomes of a project that reviewed an existing risk assessment tool and then developed a new tool for CAM triaging and investigative prioritisation.Design/methodology/approachUsing a mixed method approach, the authors first explored the capacity of an existing risk assessment tool for predicting a police action. The authors then used these findings to design and implement a replacement CAM decision support tool. Using a random sample of CyberTip alert cases from 2018, the authors then tested the efficiency of the new tool.FindingsThe existing risk assessment tool was not fit for CAM triaging purposes. Just six questions from the old tool were found to be statistically and significantly associated with law enforcement agents achieving a police action. The authors found that an immediate threat of abuse/endangering a child, potential case solvability, CAM image assessment, chat assessment, criticality and some weighting for professional judgement were significant in being associated with a police action. The new decision support tool is more efficient to complete and achieved a 93.6% convergence of risk ratings with the old tool using 2018 case data.Originality/valueThis research is unique in its development of an evidence-based decision support tool that enhances the ability of law enforcement agents to objectively and efficiently triage and prioritise increasing numbers of CyberTip alerts.

Prioritizing Indecent Image Offenders: A Systematic Review and Economic Approach to Understand the Benefits of Evidence-Based Policing Strategies

In 2013, there were an estimated 50,000 individuals involved in downloading and sharing indecent images of children (IIOC) in the United Kingdom (UK). This poses challenges for limited police resources. We argue that police officers can make most effective use of limited resources by prioritizing those offenders who pose the greatest risk of contact offending, by nature of demonstrable pedophilia, hebephilia or dual offending status and thus, those at highest risk must be dealt with first. What is currently lacking is a clear idea of the potential scale of the problem in socio-economic terms and why, therefore, it is so important that evidence-based approaches to offender detection and investigation continue to be a top priority for funders and policy makers. A systematic literature review was undertaken to address two related questions. First, what is the scale of the problem in the UK, in terms of the number of pedophilic and hebephilic individuals who pose a risk of contact offending against a child? Second, what is the potential socio-economic burden generated by the national IIOC suspect pool if left unattended to by targeted police action? Applying population estimates of pedophilia and hebephilia to the male population (16–89 years), we estimate there are between 2,365–5,991 males with paedophila and 12,218–30,952 males with hebephilia who are likely contact offenders. Applying average prevalence and incidence based costing methods to a conservative estimate of one victim per offender, the combined socio-economic burden from these persons could amount to £236-£597 million (incident costs) increasing to £2.9-£7.3 billion (lifetime costs; £3.3-£8.3 billion including QALY measures). Applying the same costs to CEOP (2013) estimate of 50,000 IIOC offenders we estimate that between 6,000 and 27,500 dual offenders could have already committed past contact offenses, contributing an economic burden of between £97–£445 million (incident costs) increasing to £1.2–£5.4 billion (lifetime costs; £1.4–£6.2 billion including QALY measures). Future contact offenses could contribute a further burden of £16–£18.6 million (incident costs) increasing to £198–£227 million (lifetime costs; £226–£260 million including QALY measures). Drawing upon these findings, we argue for the benefits of a research-informed prioritization approach to target IIOC offenders.

The Formal-Informal Control Nexus During COVID-19: What Drives Informal Social Control of Social Distancing Restrictions During Lockdown?

The public rely on the police to enforce the law, and the police rely on the public to report crime and assist them with their enquiries. Police action or inaction can also impact on public willingness to informally intervene in community problems. In this paper we examine the formal-informal control nexus in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. Drawing on a survey sample of 1,595 Australians during COVID-19 lockdown restrictions, we examine the relationship between police effectiveness, collective efficacy, and public willingness to intervene when others violate lockdown restrictions. We find that perceptions of police effectiveness in handling the COVID-19 crisis has a positive impact on the public’s willingness to intervene when others violate lockdown restrictions.