scholarly journals TÜRK DIŞ POLİTİKASINDA DAVUTOĞLU DÖNEMİ VE STRATEJİK DERİNLİK DOKTRİNİ: GÜNEY KAFKASYA ÜLKELERI ÖRNEĞİ

Author(s):  
Seçil ÖRAZ BEŞİKÇİ

The Justice and Development Party (JDP) and its new cadre have entered into Turkish political life by the general elections held in 2002. Prof. Dr. Ahmet Davutoğlu, one of the members of the new cadre, has been considered as the architect of foreign policy discourse and practices pursued under JDP rule between 2002-2016. Davutoğlu has become both the theoretician and the practitioner of foreign policy strategies, which has been built on his “Strategic Depth Doctrine”. Davutoğlu has aimed to reach a new foreign policy strategy by the new principles such as “multidimensional foreign policy”, “rhythmic diplomacy”, “zero problems with neighbors”, “maximum international cooperation”, “proactive foreign policy” and “order instituting actor”. In these contexts, the aim of the paper is twofold. The 􀏐irst one is to 􀏐ind out whether Davutoğlu’s new foreign policy principles have been implemented in the foreign policy-making processes of the South Caucasus states of Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia and, if yes, the second one is to de􀏐ine the policy re􀏐lections over Turkey’s foreign relations with these states. For this aim, three speci􀏐ic cases, which are critical to these states, have been selected: the Russian-Georgian War (2008), the Armenian Opening, and the Nagorno-Karabakh Con􀏐lict. The method of discourse analysis has been utilized and Davutoğlu’s books, articles, interviews, and speeches have been reviewed.

1967 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 541-560 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell W. Ramsey

An international organization is only as effective as the degree of support which its sovereign members are willing to give it. This axiom would probably not be disputed, except for the fact that the word “degree” has the inherent property of evaluation hidden in its meaning. This evaluation, since it deals with the mainstream of a nation's political life, is not capable of purely quantitative analysis. A nation's ideas on sovereignty are involved in international cooperation. Its foreign policy, be it passive, neutral, or aggressive, is certainly involved. Its domestic status in terms of tranquility or violence, poverty or plenty, is deeply involved. A world power is tempted to pre-empt an undue share of the credit for the success of an international organization, especially in the field of conflict resolution. The contribution of a single weak nation is often overlooked, and yet the sum of the weak nations' contributions may conceivably be the balancing factor among irreconcilable giants.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Ardhitya Eduard Yeremia

For the most part, the literature about Indonesia’s foreign policy does not stray far from a descriptive and chronological presentation of the subject. The fact of the matter is that an in-depth analysis of the nation’s foreign policy from a different era will impart valuable lessons to the current policymakers in charge of formulating and implementing such a policy. The era of Sukarno bore witness to the implementation of Indonesia’s foreign policy that was strong in ideas and practices. Employing discourse analysis, this article seeks to analyze five of Sukarno’s speeches, which were delivered in various international forums from 1955 to 1963. It demonstrates that during that time, Indonesia put forward a coherent and consistent foreign policy with colonialism as its master signifier. The promotion of such a discourse contributed positively to the diplomatic effort on the issue of West Papua by mobilizing supports from Asian-African nations, as well as attracting the interest of the superpowers. As a result, Indonesia’s national interest to bring West Papua into the Republic was well served, and furthermore, Indonesia succeeded in enhancing its image, role, and leadership in world affairs. This experience presents a challenge to the contemporary policymakers in producing a configuration of strong ideas and concepts that would allow the implementation of a foreign policy that serves the national interest, when the nation has once again risen as an important player on the world stage.


Author(s):  
Laura Roselle

Communication has a significant impact on foreign policy, both in the policy-making process and at a higher level associated with the nexus of foreign policy and international relations. Communication involves the transmission or conveying of information through a system of symbols, signs, or behavior. Communication connects individuals and groups; (re)constructs the context; and defines, describes, and delineates foreign policy options. The current trends are the synthesis in many areas, with a focus on the psychological processes associated with who communicates, how, to whom, and with what effect in the realm of foreign policy; and with the structural characteristics of communication or discourse. The major areas of study on foreign policy and communication include: (a) the making of foreign policy and the role of mass media in this process; (b) how foreign policy is understood as a communicated message by allies and adversaries in international relations; and (c) constructivism, poststructuralism, and discourse analysis. Within the scope of foreign policy and media falls work associated with the CNN effect, framing, and public opinion. Work within international relations has focused on how foreign policy signals international intent, including threat and willingness to cooperate. Constructivism and discourse analysis emphasize the need to look at the (re)construction of ideas, identities, and interests rather than taking them for granted.


1976 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 477-499 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hines H. Hall

Studies of the Anglo-German naval agreement of 1935 have so far failed to provide a complete analysis of the factors which prompted the British government's decision to sanction German naval rearmament. Diverse views on the causes of this British decision have included the interpretation that the naval agreement represented the beginning of appeasement, that it was an attempt to curry favour with Hitler's Reich at the expense of France and other continental powers, or that it was intended to become part of a general international system of naval arms limitations but because of unforeseen difficulties remained simply a bilateral agreement. The severest critics of the agreement suggest that British statesmen were the victims of Hitler's guile and of their own ignorance and credulity which blinded them to the serious consequences their conduct had for British foreign relations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 595-616
Author(s):  
Alexandre Spohr ◽  
André Luiz Reis da Silva

Abstract This article examines oversight over foreign policy-making by the Brazilian National Congress, specifically whether the use of oversight tools at their disposal by Senators and Deputies conform to the ‘fire alarm’ or ‘police patrol’ models. This is done by recording and analysing requests for information and summonses to ministers filed in the Chamber of Deputies and the Federal Senate between 1991 and 2014, especially those directed at the Ministry of Foreign Relations. We also compare the use of these instruments in respect of foreign policy to their use in respect of other portfolios. Lastly, analysing the content of these requests and summonses leads to interesting conclusions about how these instruments are used politically, notably in terms of the government-opposition ideological divide.


Author(s):  
N. Gegelashvili

The current parliamentary elections in Georgia have clearly demonstrated the fact that today Washington is becoming a key figure not only in the country’s foreign policy, but also in its internal political life. Under a new J.Biden administration it seems that Washington’s approach to Georgia, taking into account both countries’ special relationships as well as Georgian extremely favorable geopolitical/ geographical factor will become more proactive, which may greatly affect changes in the configuration of the entire South Caucasus.


Itinerario ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-79
Author(s):  
W.J. Boot

In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.


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