scholarly journals THE INSIDE OF FOREIGN POLICY. Inner factors in the system of the international relations, obli­gations and projects of the Russian Federation

Author(s):  
Alexei Salmin
Author(s):  
Valeriy Zhabskiy ◽  
Aleksander Shuvalov

In the early 1990 s, the foreign policy concept in Russia was based on the policy of «Euro-Atlanticism», which presumed orientation towards the Western model of development, integration with the Western countries and a conflict-free vision of international relations. But unlike the era of «Cold War» with the USSR, the Western countries did not consider the Russian Federation to be equal in status and did not hasten the process of establishing strategic partnership. Russia has never managed to establish an alliance with the Western countries and become «part of the Western world», «Euro-Atlanticism» has not proved itself. In the late 1990s, a shift began to a course of «multi-vector» foreign policy, implying a multipolar system of international relations. Moreover, at the end of the twentieth century, the Russian Federation faced growing threats from the United States and the countries that make up the military-political bloc of NATO, which necessitated a rethinking of priorities and possibilities for ensuring the protection of Russia’s national interests and security, and the development and adoption of new doctrines and concepts on the subject. This article thus deals with the process of establishing State priorities on the basis of the principle of protecting the national interests and safeguarding the national security of the Russian Federation during the period 1999-2007.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 20-28
Author(s):  
ELENA KHAKHALKINA ◽  
◽  
EVGENY TROITSKIY

The Diary of Ivan Maisky, a diplomat, Soviet Envoy (later Ambassador) to the United Kingdom from 1932 to 1943 is one of the valuable sources on the interwar history of international relations and WWII. Maisky never saw his diaries returned to him after they had been confiscated at the time of his arrest in 1953. It was declassified by the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation and published in 2006-2009 with the commentaries of Russian scholars. The analysis of the Diary which contains unique details about Soviet-British relations casts new light on the roles of Great Britain and the USSR in the pre-war international crises and allows for a re-evaluation of the two powers’ efforts aimed at preventing or delaying the war. When the Diary is juxtaposed with the declassified British archive materials, the degree to which the British officials trusted the Soviet Envoy/Ambassador as well as the level of his awareness of the undercurrents of British politics become clearer. The authors argue that the Versailles System had failed by the mid-1920s and was replaced by the Locarno System based on the guarantees of Germany’s western borders. In the mid-1930s the Locarno System was in disarray despite British efforts to save it through concessions and the appeasement policy. The «Diplomat’s Diary» shows a struggle within the British elite between the supporters and the opponents of the appeasement policy linked with the search for a new configuration of the European system of security.


2020 ◽  
pp. 131-147
Author(s):  
O. Demenko

The article explores the state and development trends of modern international relations. It is noted that modern scientific thought has not yet developed unified approaches to characterizing the current stage in the development of international relations. At the same time, many scientists and political analysts assess the current state of international relations as a new “cold war”. In support of this position, they point out that in recent years a whole network of clashes, wars and contradictions has developed around the world, at the center of which were disagreements of the same nature as during the years of the first Cold War. At the same time, there is an opinion that the current relations between the West and the Russian Federation cannot be characterized as a new “cold war”. The status of Russia today cannot be compared with the status of the USSR, China is much stronger than the Russian Federation, and the United States remains the dominant force in the world. It is noted that, although the current conflict in many respects differs from the first Cold War, there are a number of general signs that suggest the similarity of modern international relations with the conflict of the previous historical period. The tools that participants in the conflict can use have changed, the role of ideology has decreased, and, on the contrary, the importance of the economy, technologies and the information sphere has increased, nuclear weapons have a different influence and geography, and the processes of globalization significantly affect the dynamics of international relations. But in a sense, the current conflict can be called a continuation of the first Cold War. Ukraine, along with some other post-Soviet countries, has become an arena of confrontation between the collective West and the Russian Federation in the context of the new Cold War. Based on this, the main priority of Ukraine’s foreign policy should be the effective implementation of the European and Euro-Atlantic integration strategy. Joining the Euro-Atlantic security system and approaching Western standards of democracy, law and socio-economic development will be the main guarantee of independence and further progressive development of the Ukrainian state.


Author(s):  
M.D. Tursynbay ◽  

The policy of "soft power" has lost some of its significance in Russia's foreign policy, but continues to dominate the minds of researchers. This is evidenced by numerous articles on this topic and even research by journalistic groups. The concept has become a trend not only in the study of international relations, but also in political science. The decisive criterion for determining the degree of influence of "soft power" is "attractiveness", that is, the degree to which the subject can leave the object in order to exert a certain influence on it. Russia has a set of “soft power” instruments that can, to some extent, affect facilities, including in the countries of the Central Asian region, including Kazakhstan. The study is based on a comparative approach that allows not only to identify the features of the "soft power" of the Russian Federation, but also to compare their effectiveness. The activities of the two countries are analyzed through the prism of soft power instruments used in the region, including investment, educational, scientific and cultural programs.


Author(s):  
Petr Menshikov ◽  
Aida Neymatova

Introduction. In the context of growing anti-Russian information wars, intensive and sharp ideological confrontation active information support of Russia’s foreign policy becomes more and more crucial. Methods. Authors use mainly the methods of expert evaluation and trends, opinion polls to prove that the US has long been waging information wars against Russia first using the term (“information war”) back in 1992. Moreover, with time the United States makes the methods of struggle more and more sophisticated and has already attracted the EU and NATO as associates. In addition, the methods of comparative analysis of research results of leading domestic and foreign experts in the field of information and ideological component of modern international relations and issues of information support of foreign policy of the Russian Federation, as well as general scientific and special methods of knowledge of legal phenomena and processes made as the object of the research: the method of systematic and structural analysis, comparative legal and formal-logical methods have been used. Analysis. Along with the tools of public diplomacy our state takes all the needed measures to defend its information sovereignty at all levels. Despite the fact that the Russian state strategy has consistently created a system of detecting, preventing and eliminating threats to its information security, still it is necessary to deal with ever growing amount of antiRussian false information in the global media space. Results. Being one of the instruments of public diplomacy and foreign policy of any sovereign state, soft power takes into account the objective conditions of international relations and world politics and proceeds from the requirements of the national interests of the state as the main actor of the entire system of modern international relations. In the world practice of implementing the policy of soft power, starting with the creation of the Westphalian system of international relations, there was no precedent, when the state regardless of the socio-political nature of building a political system or the purposes of the foreign activity would be guided by different objectives and methods of analysis of world politics, the entire system of international relations and other goal-setting action in the international arena, including defined in the last decade by the concept of soft power. In the history of international relations, there has not been any world policy free from its ideological component. The thesis of de-ideologization of international relations, which received its definite distribution in the period immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union, in the practice of foreign policy actions of all the main actors of modern world politics has clearly proved its complete failure. Today, in the context of “hybrid wars” within the entire system of international relations, the world politics is no less ideologized than during the “cold war”. The political leadership of Russia allows the hypothetical possibility of cyberwarfare, provoked by the actions of the Republican administration of the United States. In December 2019, the White House authorized the preparation of a plan for conducting an information war with the Russian Federation by special forces of the U.S. Army, assigning the solution of this task to the above-mentioned cyber command. The policy of soft power of Russia, as well as its public diplomacy, as the whole complex of foreign policy activities of the Russian Federation in the international arena, is derived from the fundamental function of defending the national interests of Russia in the new political reality. The Russian Federation has consistently opposed the transformation of international relations into an arena of ideological confrontation with the use of tools of the so-called “information wars”. State sovereignty is unified. Information security, as a factor of ensuring information sovereignty, is a basic component of the unified state sovereignty. This is an accepted truth underlying the understanding of the nature of modern international relations, the principle underlying the foreign policy activity of any modern sovereign state, due to the objective regularity of the growth of the ideological factor of modern international relations. Moreover, in the face of targeted misinformation Russia needs to ensure its information security at both levels: political (ideological) and technical (technological) ones combining cyber as well as soft power tools. Only such a combination of these two crucial elements and continuous improvement can lead to victory in hybrid wars.


Author(s):  
Jarosław Sadłocha

The category of a national interest is one of the most popular notions used in international relations. It has a polysemic character and is differently interpreted by various scientific perspectives. The purpose of this article is to provide a brief analysis of selected approaches of the theory of international relations to defining interests and correlating the interpretations of national interests of the Russian Federation performed on their bases. The choice of case study concerning the foreign policy of the Russian Federation is not accidental because in countries aspiring to gain world power the concept of national interest is raised while explaining the motives of decisions taken by their leaders exceptionally often. In this article, Russia’s interests will be discussed in reference to the annexation of the Crimea and Russia’s actions towards Ukraine. Those events vividly show the specificity of defining the national interests, based on one hand on the pursue to being a powerhouse and understanding the interests in the category of power and, on the other hand, resulting from the political identity of Russian elites. As a result, an assessment of the scientific utility of selected theoretical paradigms and their use in the analyses of Russia’s foreign policy will be outlined.


Author(s):  
E. Komkova

The management of the Canada–U.S. asymmetry might be defined as rather successful example. After the World War II Canadian and American officials have developed a set of specific bargaining norms, which can be referred to as the “rules of the game”, and “diplomatic culture”. Their existence leads to predictability of relationships, to empathy, and to expectations of “responsible” behavior. The study of the Canada–U.S. model of civilized asymmetrical relationship lays grounds for further investigation on how it can be applied to the foreign policy strategy of the Russian Federation in its relations with asymmetrical partners from the “near neighbourhood”.


2021 ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Nicole BODISHTEANU

The author considers main external and internal factors of the formation of the Eurasian track in foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova from 2009 to 2020. Among main internal factors of the development of the Eurasian (as opposed to European) track of foreign policy, the author singles out: 1) coming to power of the pro-Russian president I. Dodon; 2) current orientation of the economy on the market of the CIS countries; 3) pro-Western parliamentary contingent and representatives of the Party of Action and Solidarity led by M. Sandu, who, on the contrary, helps to blur this track. Among external factors, the author does put an accent on: 1) the influence of the Ukrainian crisis on public opinion of Moldovan citizens towards Western institutions, and as a result, the growing popularity of the «pro-Russian» foreign policy direction; 2) «soft power» of the Russian Federation, mostly concentrated on a common language (Russian) and cultural values (literature, historical past, etc.); 3) willingness of Eurasian partners (mainly the Russian Federation) to provide assistance in crisis situations at no cost, unlike European and Western institutions, which traditionally indicate a number of democratic transformations in the recipient country as one of the conditions for providing assistance. The author comes to the conclusion that the Eurasian track of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova is still in its «infancy», but it has great potential and promises interesting prospects for a small state with a favorable geographical position, located at the crossroads of the most important transport routes between the West and the East.


2020 ◽  
pp. 30-40
Author(s):  
Z. Z. Bahturidze ◽  
D. S. Rachkova

The article is devoted to identifying the current image of Russia in the mirror of the German media after the Ukrainian crisis. The role of the media is noted, the crisis situation in Ukraine is characterized. Analyzed publications in the leading print media of Germany on the topic of Russian foreign policy in Ukraine and the role of the Russian Federation in the political crisis in Ukraine (2013–2014). The authors have identified and identified key approaches in the formation of German society a certain idea of Russia and its foreign policy. As conclusions, it is noted that both for objective reasons, and not least thanks to the German media, which use a lot of negative characteristics when constructing the image of Russia, relations between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany go through a zone of mutual exclusion. However, relations between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany can go to a new level, taking into account the possible pragmatic cooperation of the two states, and provided, among other things, a reduction in the degree of anti-Russian rhetoric in the German media.


Author(s):  
O. Kondratenko

The essence of the internal geopolitics of the Russian Federation (RF) and its influence on the foreign policy of Moscow is analyzed in the article. It was found that on the background of Russian nationalism the activation of separatist sentiments in the Russian national autonomies had occurred, particularly in the North Caucasus (Chechnia, Dahestan).Eventually, it caused two Chechen wars, as well as to the formation of dissatisfaction with the Center’s actions in Tatarstan, South and East Siberia and others. However, after internal politics and internal economy shocks of the 1990-th Russia has outlined a course to restore the status of a great state. An important factor for the Russian government is the support of its foreign policy by the population. It is traced that the level of electoral support of the Russian president entirely depends on the success of the Russian Federation on the international arena. Kremlin actively cultivates and uses imperial mood of society in order to justify the return of its “unjustly deprived” great power status. Therefore, governmental expansionist geostrategy obtains active support among theintelligentsia and broad social strata.


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