EXTERNAL AND INTERNAL FACTORS OF EVOLUTION OF THE EURASIAN TRACK OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA’S FOREIGN POLICY

2021 ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Nicole BODISHTEANU
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cultural Values ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Recipient Country ◽  
Internal Factors ◽  
Republic Of Moldova ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Policy Direction

The author considers main external and internal factors of the formation of the Eurasian track in foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova from 2009 to 2020. Among main internal factors of the development of the Eurasian (as opposed to European) track of foreign policy, the author singles out: 1) coming to power of the pro-Russian president I. Dodon; 2) current orientation of the economy on the market of the CIS countries; 3) pro-Western parliamentary contingent and representatives of the Party of Action and Solidarity led by M. Sandu, who, on the contrary, helps to blur this track. Among external factors, the author does put an accent on: 1) the influence of the Ukrainian crisis on public opinion of Moldovan citizens towards Western institutions, and as a result, the growing popularity of the «pro-Russian» foreign policy direction; 2) «soft power» of the Russian Federation, mostly concentrated on a common language (Russian) and cultural values (literature, historical past, etc.); 3) willingness of Eurasian partners (mainly the Russian Federation) to provide assistance in crisis situations at no cost, unlike European and Western institutions, which traditionally indicate a number of democratic transformations in the recipient country as one of the conditions for providing assistance. The author comes to the conclusion that the Eurasian track of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova is still in its «infancy», but it has great potential and promises interesting prospects for a small state with a favorable geographical position, located at the crossroads of the most important transport routes between the West and the East.

scholarly journals EU’s Resilience in the Eastern Partnership Region vs Russia’s Hybrid Aggression

2021 ◽  
pp. 78-86
Author(s):  
Oleh Kozachuk ◽  
Grigore Vasilescu
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Academic Research ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Eastern Partnership ◽  
Republic Of Moldova ◽  
Eastern Partnership Countries ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Sphere Of Influence ◽  
The Eu

The article examines the issues of counteracting the hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation in the countries of the Eastern Partnership. It is stated that European Union has been implementing the Eastern Partnership policy for more than ten years. This implementation has been a resounding success for all, without exception, the six target states. Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova and Georgia have advanced much more in their European aspirations. However, this does not stop the Russian Federation from further positioning all the states that were once part of the USSR as a sphere of its ultimate influence. Russia is also producing rivalry with the EU for influencing all, without exception, the Eastern Partnership states and even the EU. An overview of academic research analyzing the resilience of the EU in the face of Russia in the context of its impact on the Eastern Partnership countries is set out in this article. Some approaches have been used to define the EU as a “normative power” and Russia’s controversial policy towards neighbouring countries. The examination of the works described in the article concludes that the Russian Federation continues to regard neighbouring states as its sphere of influence, particularly Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia. Moscow considers any attempt by a third party to interfere as an intrusion on its unique field of power. As can be observed from the investigated sources, Russia’s activities are scarcely diplomatic or focused on global democratic norms. In its Eastern Partnership strategy, the EU, on the other hand, utilizes values as a guideline. Simultaneously, Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova, and Georgia must demand immediate modifications to the Eastern Partnership policy. The potential of EU membership, in particular, must be appropriately explained by Brussels.

scholarly journals Russian-Korean Regional Cooperation (the Case of Twinned Regions – Irkutsk Region and Gyeongsangbuk-do Province of the Republic of Korea)

2021 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 58-64
Author(s):  
E. V. Li ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Republic Of Korea ◽  
Interregional Interaction ◽  
Medical Sector ◽  
Irkutsk Region ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic

The purpose of the article is to study the history of the cooperation between twinned regions – the Irkutsk region and the Gyeongsangbuk-do province, which has lasted for 25 years. The data on the activities and projects organized during this period has been provided. Regional cooperation plays an important role in international relations. One of its purposes is to expand and strengthen interaction between two countries. The article examines the experience of cooperation between twinned regions – the Irkutsk region and the Gyeongsangbuk-do province – and studies the role of interregional interaction in relations between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Korea. The regions cooperated actively in 2016–2018 and later the cooperation was suspended due to the spread of COVID 19. Most of bilateral contacts have been in cultural and educational sphere. At the same time, there is a predominance of the events organized by the Korean side, which is along the lines of the “soft power” strategy of the Republic of Korea. And although the Irkutsk region and the Republic of Korea cooperate in economy, tourism, education and other fields, the role of the Gyeongsangbuk-do province is very insignificant in this process. Despite the fact that at each privat meeting the heads of the regions declare their intention to implement joint projects in the economic and medical sector no significant results have been achieved in this direction so far. Thus, the current relations between the regions do not play a significant role in the development of relations between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Korea and are mainly aimed at promoting the culture of their own country in the territory of the partner region.

scholarly journals Russian Cultural Marking of the International Scene: The Soft Power to the Test (2000-2018)

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 356-365
Author(s):  
Jean Cottin Kouma
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
Cultural Field ◽  
Cultural Variable ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Vladimir Putin ◽  
Global Influence

Since the mid-1990s, and even more Vladimir Putin’s accession to the presidency, reaffirmation and recognition of Russia’s status as a great power has been erected as an existential political imperative. The restoration of Russia's global influence is one of the parts of this high-powered policy implemented by the authorities. It manifests itself repeatedly through hard power initiatives outside national borders in Georgia, Ukraine or Syria. But the “color revolutions” in the post-Soviet space, primarily the Orange Revolution of 2004, prompt the Russian government to rethink its foreign policy in order to project a better image of Russia abroad. This late awareness is reflected in the adoption of a clean soft power strategy and its main key instruments are created during the second term of Vladimir Putin (2004- 2008). The notion of soft power will be institutionalized in the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation on February 12, 2013. This article is therefore intended as a contribution to the analysis of the issues surrounding the cultural variable in foreign policy. of the Russian Federation. It is therefore more precisely his ambition to decipher the motives underlying the mobilization of resources for the purpose of cultural outreach by Russia. A country with many contrasts and, moreover, in a world cultural field traditionally controlled by strong Western powers, Russia has opted for soft power, with the triple vision of making its way, to feed its current rise and to pose as a “responsible” and “conciliatory” power. For the twelfth largest economic power in the world, it is also a question of reducing the mistrust and criticism that its presence already arouses on the international scene. The choice made on the cultural variable is therefore not insignificant; because, it is a strategy, through which Russia would like to build, if not regain its greatness of yesteryear.

scholarly journals CONSIDERATIONS ON THE POLICIES OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION TO ACHIEVE NATIONAL INTERESTS IN ITS NEAR ABROAD

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (72) ◽  
pp. 312-331
Author(s):  
Sergiu ȘARAMET
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
Russian Language ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Near Abroad

The policies of the Russian Federation in its near abroad have been constantly changing. Taking into account this consideration, it is important to know what were thedetermining factors that influenced the policy orientation of the Russian Federation in the pursuit of national interests in those areas. In this context, are analyzed the policies through which the Russian Federation projects national interests in its near abroad such as “hard power”, which include military operations (the involvement of Russian troops as“peacekeeping forces” in the Republic of Moldova, Georgia and Tajikistan; stationing of large units and units on the territory of the former union republics; economic sanctions, etc.). In tandem with “hard power” policies, the Russian Federation also uses “soft power” policies (promoting the Russian language and culture, strengthening the presence of the Russian Federation in the information space, supporting the Russian diaspora).Keywords: policies, national interests, “hard power”, “soft power”, economic sanctions, military operations.

scholarly journals Abordarea conflictului transnistrean în stânga Nistrului și în lucrările proseparatiste / Approaching the Transnistrian conflict on the left bank of the Dniester in the pro-separatist works as well

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 168-177
Author(s):  
Lidia Prisac
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Left Bank ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Research Results ◽  
Republic Of Moldova ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Impact

The article reveals the historiographical approach of Transnistrian separatism in the works of pro-separatist authors, Russian and those publicized in the Eastern part of the Republic of Moldova. The author presents the works that appeared until 2005. As it is ascertained, researchers dwell upon the Transnistrian separatism problem from the position of the environment they were rooted in, projecting their research results on the present and the future, or out of the need to aliment and decode their identity, to feed their imagination. The pro-separatist historiography includes the same ideas regarding the MSSR history. This means nothing but “the translation” of the past into present or the mechanic and passionate protection of the present into the past, the positive or negative capitalization of historical events, or decline in the run of deformation and fabrication in pro-separatist historiography was produced due to an ideological approach of the Transnistrian problem. Albeit, generally speaking, all authors both from Transnistria and the Russian Federation recognize the impact of the Russian Federation in generating and perpetuating the Transnistrian separatism.

Literary tourism as a factor of intercultural communication (the case of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Armenia)

2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 12-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ануш Галустян ◽  
Anush Galustyan
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Values ◽  
Intercultural Communication ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Tourism Industry ◽  
Main Role ◽  
Literary Tourism ◽  
Literary Relations ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic

This article emphasizes the main role and importance of developing and maintaining intercultural relations between states. Intercultural communication appears in all spheres of modern society, being a major factor in the creation of cultural processes. Knowledge of other cultures is the step that allows recognizing the nature of the differences and treating others with a sense of mutual understanding and tolerance. It is necessary for a genuine intercultural dialogue, especially in the tourism industry. The author considers the concept of "cultural values" and "literary tourism"; the role and place of literature in the formation of human consciousness are defined. The author also considers the processes of creating "image" of the territory under the influence of literary tourism and the processes of establishment of inter-cultural and inter-state friendly relations between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Armenia. The stages of development and strengthening of literary relations between states are characterized in the article. Famous literary figures who contributed significantly to the enrichment of both their national literature, and in the development of relations between the two countries are specified.

Fiduciary management and fiduciary ownership in the post-Soviet countries: experience of Ukraine, Republic of Moldova, Republic of Belarus and Russian Federation

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kateryna Nekit ◽  
Volodymyr Zubar
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Civil Law ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
Republic Of Moldova ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Similar Solutions ◽  
Distinguishing Features ◽  
Insight Into

Abstract The focus of this research is to define the common and distinctive features of the approaches used by lawmakers in the post-Soviet states (Ukraine, Republic of Moldova, Republic of Belarus and Russian Federation) for the purpose of implementing fiduciary management and fiduciary ownership institutes into their respective national laws. It has been established that over the course of the fiduciary management and fiduciary ownership institutes development in the countries referenced above, similar solutions were initially applied. Thus, an effort was made to implement the institute of trust inherent in the common-law countries into the systems of civil law. However, the effort did not come to fruition and that resulted in the fiduciary management institute being implemented. However, notwithstanding the similarities in the general approaches to determining the content of the fiduciary management provisions in all post-Soviet countries, the situation in Ukraine came out to be different from that in other countries. Following the adoption of the Civil Code (CC) of Ukraine with the fiduciary management institute enshrined therein, the Code was amended by adding the provisions on fiduciary ownership, but typical for the Civil Law countries. Over a long period of time, the Ukrainian legislation was the only one that referred to the institute of fiduciary ownership (fiducia), but due to recent dramatic overhaul, the CC of the Republic of Moldova was amended by the provisions on fiducia as well. This research represents a review of modern statutory provisions of Ukraine, Republic of Moldova, Republic of Belarus and Russian Federation covering fiduciary management and fiduciary ownership, including identification of common and distinguishing features thereof. It is found that as of today, the laws of the Russian Federation and Republic of Belarus do not go beyond fiduciary management, whereas those existing in the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine refer to both fiduciary management and fiducia institutes. Outlined in the research are differences between fiduciary management, trust and fiducia. The research also offers an insight into the degree of influence the Draft Common Frame of Reference and provisions of the CC of Romania and CC of France, those related to trust and fiducia, had on the formation of fiduciary ownership concept in the legislation of the Republic of Moldova. Also included in the research is the analysis of the latest changes in the legislation of Ukraine, related to the introduction of fiduciary ownership as a means to secure the performance of obligations.

scholarly journals 29-ти летие начала гибридной агрессии РФ против Республики Молдова в Приднестровье (1992 год) в сравнении с началом аналогичной гибридной агрессии РФ против Украины в Крыму и на Донбассе (2014 год) / 29th anniversary of the beginning of the hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation against the Republic of Moldova in Transnistria (1992) in comparison with the beginning of a similar hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine in Crimea and Donbass (2014)

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 84-96
Author(s):  
Alexandr Davidenko
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Real World ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Republic Of Moldova ◽  
The World ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Hybrid War

The hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation against the independent Republic of Moldova in the Transnistrian region in 1992 (Pridnestrov‘ye), and the Ukrainian point of view to that mentioned aggression. The year 2014, the beginning of the aggressive hybrid war of the Russian Federation against independent Ukraine, the annexation of Crimea, and the occupation of parts of the territory of Ukrainian Donetsk and Luhansk regions (Donbass). A common the problem for the World is the lack of a real-world counter mechanism similar to hybrid aggression, stopping such conflicts and resolving them.

scholarly journals Power Fields of the modern world Politics

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 57-75
Author(s):  
A. A. Vershinin ◽  
A. V. Korolkov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The West ◽  
The Past ◽  
The World ◽  
The Russian Federation

he spate of violence all over the world including the West makes us to pay attention to the factor of force in world politics. During the past decades Western countries tried to reduce the problem of force to the discussion about so-termed soft power. As a result they were not politically and morally ready to the outbreaks of the use of force in its traditional meaning. This fact to large extent explains their pained reaction to the foreign policy of the Russian Federation and the ups and downs of their politics in regard to China.

Foreign Policy of Russia: ‘Soft Power’ of the Regions

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-57
Author(s):  
S. P. Arteev
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Russian Regions ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
Interstate Relations ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Federal Center

As relations between the Russian Federation and the West continue to deteriorate, traditional diplomatic instruments become less eff ective. Conversely, the role of alternative diplomatic channels is growing. However, the Russian foreign policy still tends to underestimate their potential. In particular, the soft power potential of the Russian regions appears to be largerly under-utilized. The paper starts with a general overview of the specifi c features of sub-state/sub-national actors in the world politics. In particular, the author emphasizes that these actors are synthetic by nature, which predetermines their particular role on the international scene, as they can use policy instruments specifi c to both state and non-state actors. The author provides a model for classifi cation of the Russian regions based on the level of their international activity. The paper examines by what means the international activities of the regions can infl uence the interstate relations and outlines two basic frameworks for joint actions of the federal center and the regions on the international arena: ‘culture and image-building’ and ‘political plus’. The author emphasizes the importance of the federal-regional cooperation in addressing foreign policy issues, particularly, in response to international crises. The paper assesses the capacity of diff erent Russian sub-national actors to actively participate through their soft power potential in normalization of interstate relations. The author concludes that this potential could be successfully integrated into the Russian foreign policy strategy. However, in order to improve the quality of the federal-regional cooperation on the foreign policy issues, it is necessary to develop a new framework for interaction between the federal center and the regions of the Russian Federation, based on greater involvement of regional representatives in the decision-making process (which implies reassessment of the entire system of federal relations).

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