scholarly journals Political Rusynism in Croatia

2020 ◽  
Vol 69 ◽  
pp. 194-206
Author(s):  
Mykola Nahirny ◽  
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Summer Schools ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Impact ◽  
First World

Background: Historiography has long debated the identity of the terms “Ruthenian” and “Ukrainian”. It is obvious that “the Ruthenian” is the historical name of the modern name “the Ukrainian”. However, there are still theories that try to justify the separation of the Ruthenians and the Ukrainians, to recognize the Ruthenians as a separate nation – that is, they promote the ideas of political Rusynism (Ruthenianism). Ukraine's neighbors use a Ruthenian question for their own purposes, primarily to separate the Ruthenians from the Ukrainians in order to assimilate them more quickly. The Ruthenian-Ukrainian community in Croatia did not escape such a problem. The question of political Rusynism is well covered in historiography. However, there are almost no works about political Rusynism in Croatia. Purpose: Consideration of the origin and development of the ideas of political Ruthenianism among immigrants from Ukrainian lands in Croatia and the impact of these ideas on the prospects for the development and existence of both national groups - both Ruthenians and Ukrainians. Results: An immigrants from Ukrainian lands who came to Croatia in the middle of the 18th century identified themselves as the Ruthenians; those who moved here from the end of the 19th century called themselves as the Ukrainians. On the eve of the First World War, russophile tendencies prevailed among the Ruthenians. During the interwar period, contacts between Ukrainian emigrants of various migration waves strengthened. This fact contributed to the spread of the self-name “the Ukrainians”, which coexisted with the name “the Ruthenians”. Post-war attempts to unite the Ruthenians and the Ukrainians into one nationality were unsuccessful. The Yugoslav authorities deliberately separated the Ruthenians and the Ukrainians, and contributed to the formation of the Ruthenian national consciousness. The situation in Croatia was different. Here, the interests of the two ethnic groups were expressed by the Union of Ruthenians and Ukrainians of Croatia (SRiU). The position of the SRiU was that the Ruthenians were traditional, and the Ukrainians were the actual name of the same nation. But there was resistance to such a policy of the Union among the Ruthenians in Croatia. Conservative Ruthenians sought to maintain a certain distance from the Ukrainians. In particular, they held separate festivals, “summer schools” for young people, and used the wording “the Ruthenians and Ukrainians” instead of “the Ruthenians-Ukrainians”. The reason for the recent rise of Ruthenian separatism was the policy of the Croatian government. At the beginning of the 21st century, Croatia, under pressure from the West, adopted a number of pieces of legislation to strengthen the rights of national minorities. The new legislation gave great rights to national minorities (separately to the Ruthenians and separately to the Ukrainians), which leveled the long-standing common policy of the Ruthenian-Ukrainian community. The disputes within the Union resulted in its split and the formation of several separate Ruthenian and Ukrainian organizations. Ruthenian communities promote the preservation of the national identity of the Ruthenians, believing that Ukraine is not their homeland. Thanks to state support, Croatian Ruthenians publish memoirs about the life of their diaspora without mentioning the Ukrainians. Activists of political Rusynism in Croatia accuse Ukraine of assimilating of the Ruthenians, denying a kinship of the Ruthenians and the Ukrainians. Views on a Ruthenian language were also revised. It is believed that its basis is closer to the East Slovak dialect with Ukrainian features. The demarcation with the Ukrainians did not stop the assimilation of the Ruthenians in Croatia. For half a century there has been a steady decline in their numbers. At the same time, the Ruthenian minority is aging, its average age is 50 years. Therefore, the accelerated processes of assimilation among the Ruthenians and the lack of a “mother” state from which they could expect help threaten not only to the long-term dominance of Ruthenian separatism’s idea among the majority of the Ruthenians, but also their survival as a minority. If the Ruthenians of Croatia, in order to save their community, decide to reunite with the Ukrainians, then even under such conditions, the political Rusynism of Croatia also have no prospects for it’s existence. Key words: Croatia, the Ruthenians, the Ukrainians, political Rusynism, assimilation, Union of the Ruthenians of the Republic of Croatia.

Reflections on the significance of the Congress of Vienna

1986 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 313-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Langhorne
Keyword(s):  
International Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Foreign Policy ◽  
International Environment ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Foreign Office ◽  
The Status ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
First World

The Final Act of Congress of Vienna was signed on June 9, 1815. More accurately, because of Napoleon's escape and the consequent battle of Waterloo, the Vienna settlement was completed with the signature of the second Treaty of Paris on November 20s 1815. There is thus no doubt that last year marks the 170th anniversary of the settlement. There is equally no doubt that in many ways 1815 has come to seem very remote. There are no great historical arguments in progress about it, nor does it seem to attract any great interest from the students of international relations, unless their attention is actually drawn to it. So it may be as well to remember that the Vienna settlement has generated much more substantial debate at other times. Very soon after its making, it began to be said that the settlement represented a failed attempt to control, at worst, or suppress, at best, the two doctrines that were to be the political foundation of the 19th century: liberalism and nationalism. By the end of the century this attitude had intensified. In any case, the immense social and political changes which were moulding the modern state structure were beginning to create a new kind of international environment in which the ‘unspoken’ as well as deliberate assumptions of 1815 were less relevant. Approved or not, in practical terms, the settlement remained as a basis for the conduct of international politics until 1914, and thus was the obvious point of departure for discussion about the new settlement which would have to be made when the First World War ended. It is not surprising therefore to find that part of the British preparation for the Paris Peace Conference, which were made by the Political Intelligence Department of the Foreign Office, was a study of the Congress of Vienna by C. K. Webster. It is a somewhat routine piece, and his treatment of the subject was much better based and wider ranging in his monumental study of British foreign policy under Lord Castlereagh. It contained, however, one conclusion which may have had an important effect on the way in which the 1919 settlement was arrived at. Webster said that it had been an error on the part of the allies to have permitted the French to be present at Vienna because of the successful attempt by Talleyrand to insert France into the discussions of the other great powers. It has of course been subsequently felt that one of the cardinal respects in which Vienna was more, sensible than Versailles was precisely in that the French were included and became in effect joint guarantors of the agreement. Whether anything fundamental would have been different had the same been done for the Weimar republic is open to question, but there can be no doubt that the circumstances at the time and afterwards would have been greatly easier had the agenda of post-war international politics not had to include the status of Germany as a first item.

Institutional reversals and economic growth: Palestine 1516–1948

2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW SCHEIN
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Private Property ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
The People ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Right ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
First World

Abstract:This study examines the type and quality of institutions in Palestine and the correlation between the institutions and economic growth in Palestine from 1516 to 1948. Initially in the 16th century, with the Ottoman conquest of the area, institutions in Palestine involved de facto private user-rights. The level of expropriation by elites was low, and this enabled the people to develop the lands that they had acquired the right to cultivate. In the 17th and 18th centuries, with the exception of the Galilee in the middle of the 18th century, institutions became extractive due to tax farming, rapacious governors and Bedouin raids. From the middle of the 19th century until 1948, there was a second reversal back to private property institutions, first slowly until the First World War, and then more rapidly under the British Mandate after the First World War. When there were private property institutions the economy prospered, while when there were extractive institutions, the economy stagnated.

The Industrialization of India

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dietmar Rothermund
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
The Great Depression ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Second World ◽  
First World ◽  
Historical Periods

This volume deals with the industrialisation of India by taking a closer look at ten important historical periods, such as the beginning of industrialisation in the 19th century, the impact of the First World War and the Great Depression, and the rise of state interventionism in the Second World War, etc. It places particular emphasis on the general political atmosphere in each period, which influenced the pattern of industrialisation. All relevant industries are discussed for each period, and the last chapter on the 21st century sums up all recent developments.

THE STRANGE TRIUMPH OF HUMAN RIGHTS, 1933–1950

2004 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARK MAZOWER
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
World War ◽  
New Approach ◽  
East European ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Post War ◽  
The One ◽  
First World

This article explores the origins of the UN's commitment to human rights and links this to the wartime decision to abandon the interwar system of an international regime for the protection of minority rights. After 1918, the League of Nations developed a comprehensive machinery for guaranteeing the national minorities of eastern Europe. But by 1940 the League's policies were widely regarded as a failure and the coalition of forces which had supported them after the First World War had disintegrated. German abuse of the system after 1933, and the Third Reich's use of ethnic German groups as fifth columns to undermine the Versailles settlement were cited by east European politicians as sufficient justification for a new approach which would combine mass expulsion, on the one hand, with a new international doctrine of individual human rights on the other. The Great Powers supported this because they thereby escaped the specific commitments which the previous arrangements had imposed on them, and which Russian control over post-war eastern Europe rendered no longer practicable. But they also supported it because the new rights regime had no binding legal force. In respect, therefore, of the degree to which the principle of absolute state sovereignty was threatened by these arrangements, the rights regime of the new UN represented a considerable weakening of international will compared with the interwar League. But acquiescing in a weaker international organization was probably the price necessary for US and Soviet participation.

scholarly journals The architecture of the former Carmelite Monastery in the Mali Dorohostai village in Volhynia

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 077-082
Author(s):  
Petro Rychkov
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
Structural Characteristics ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
First World War ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Historic Cities ◽  
First World

Monasteries of the Roman Catholic order of the Carmelites were well-represented in the historic cities of Volhynia (e.g. Berdychiv, Dubno, Vyshnivets, Kisilin, Lutsk, etc.). One of them was built in the Mali Dorohostai village, which currently is a part of the Mlyniv district in Rivne Oblast of Ukraine. This monastery, built in the mid-18th century, was closed in the 1830s, and then adapted by the Russian Tsar for the use of Orthodox Church. During the first World War, it was completely destroyed. The architecture of this monastery is almost forgotten in modern historiography. The recently discovered archival drawings from the first half of the 19th century give a good idea of the stylistic and structural characteristics of the no longer existing monastery.

scholarly journals CHURCHILL'S DEFEAT IN DUNDEE, 1922, AND THE DECLINE OF LIBERAL POLITICAL ECONOMY

2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 980-1006
Author(s):  
JIM TOMLINSON
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Division Of Labour ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
British Industry ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Post War ◽  
Liberal Political Economy ◽  
The Impact ◽  
First World

AbstractThis article uses Churchill's defeat in Dundee in 1922 to examine the challenges to liberal political economy in Britain posed by the First World War. In particular, the focus is on the impact of the war on reshaping the global division of labour and the difficulties in responding to the domestic consequences of this reshaping. Dundee provides an ideal basis for examining the links between local politics and global economic changes in this period because of the traumatic effects of the war on the city. Dundee depended to an extraordinary extent on one, extremely ‘globalized’, industry – jute – for its employment. All raw jute brought to Dundee came from Bengal, and the markets for its product were scattered all over the world. Moreover, the main competitive threat to the industry came from a much poorer economy (India), so that jute manufacturing was the first major British industry to be significantly affected by low-wage competition. Before 1914, the Liberals combined advocacy of free trade with a significant set of interventions in the labour market and in social welfare, including trade boards. The Dundee case allows us to examine in detail the responses to post-war challenges to these Liberal orthodoxies.

scholarly journals Polacy u progu niepodległości

Sowiniec ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (52) ◽  
pp. 7-20
Author(s):  
Tomasz Gąsowski
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First Republic ◽  
Statistical Studies ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
First World ◽  
Source Materials

Poles on the Brink of Independence Due to the final fall of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, its inhabitants were pushed for 123 years into three completely different and essentially hostile state organisms. In such diverse conditions, a few succeeding generations experienced deep and multilateral civilizational transformations occurring in the 19th century and in the version typical for this part of Europe. In other words, modernity formed here bygone inhabitants and citizens of the Republic in various ways. It was important for further existence of the Polishness and nationality without the state. In this context, the key question arises: who of them, successors of the First Republic tradition, in the time of the Polish state revival, felt still Polish, ready for the construction and defence of the state? In other words, what social capital had the reviving Polish state – the Second Polish Republic – at its disposal in the time of its beginnings? Based on source materials, and primarily on data from the last population censuses and their statistical studies before the First World War, the author tried to estimate the potential number of Poles on the brink of independence. The analysis was connected with an important assumption that primarily these people would be both the main beneficiaries of this radically changed statehood and persons ready to co-shape it actively. The obtained results fit into few similar estimations made until now, constituting material for further reflections.

scholarly journals ENGLISH RUGBY UNION AND THE FIRST WORLD WAR

2002 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 797-817 ◽  
Author(s):  
TONY COLLINS
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Rugby Union ◽  
World War ◽  
Sports Organizations ◽  
The First World War ◽  
War Effort ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact ◽  
First World

The idea that war was a football match writ large was commonly expressed in Britain during the First World War. This article looks at the attitudes and actions of the English Rugby Football Union and its supporters before, during, and after the First World War to examine how such beliefs were utilized by sports organizations and the impact they had on the military and on society as a whole. Rugby union football was viewed both by its supporters and general observers alike as the most enthusiastic and committed sporting supporter of the war effort; the article explores rugby's overtly ideological stance as a means of shedding light on broader discussions about the cultural impact of the war, such as in the works of Paul Fussell and Jay Winter, and about the continued survival of traditional and Edwardian ideas of patriotism among the English middle classes in the immediate post-war period.

Salvation through War? The Ottoman Search for Sovereignty in 1914

2021 ◽  
pp. 207-220
Author(s):  
Aimee Genell ◽  
Mustafa Aksakal
Keyword(s):  
Great Powers ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
German Empire ◽  
Course Of Action ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
First World ◽  
Self Defence

Aimee Genell and Mustafa Aksakal show in this chapter that the Ottoman Empire had perhaps one of the most elaborate schemes to make participation in the First World War appear as a defensive war. Not only the German Empire claimed ‘self-defence’ (see Isabel V. Hull’s chapter) as a narrative of justification for waging war in 1914: On 29 October 1914, an Ottoman navy opened fire on Russian ships and port cities in the Black Sea. When the fleet returned to Istanbul/Constantinople, the government claimed that Russian forces had shot first. As this chapter shows, the Ottoman encounter and experience with international law and the Great Powers, especially Britain, France, and Russia, throughout the nineteenth century, not only made the fiction of a Russian attack in 1914 appear plausible to an Ottoman public but it also rendered an alliance with Germany the most promising long-term, post-war course of action for the empire's leaders.

scholarly journals Political and military activities of states in the struggle for belonging of Bukovina after the I World War

2019 ◽  
pp. 21-31
Author(s):  
Andrzej Wawryniuk
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Post War ◽  
First World ◽  
Made In

The subject of the borderland, especially in the post-war years, is one of the key problems faced by the political elite. National minorities on both sides of the border are an additional difficulty in resolving possible issues. A problem of great political importance after the First World War was the nationality of Eastern Galicia and Bukovina – territories historically belonging to Poland and Romania. An attempt to discuss this issue has been made in this article. Keywords: border, state, Galicia, Bukovina, Chernivtsi. 

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