scholarly journals Nasionalisme dan Harapan Indonesia di Era Globalisasi yang PenuhTantangan

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Pardede

Nationalism is a notion which argues that the loyalty of individuals should be left to the nation-state. Indonesian nationalism is the historical phenomenon that can not be removed from the influence of colonial powers of Western nations in the context of this colonial situation, the Indonesian nationalism is a response to the terms of political, socio-economic, cultural and specifically caused by the colonial situation. By kareka, then Indonesian nationalism in itself also contains three important aspects, namely political, economic social and cultural rights. From this statement it is understandable that if someone claimed a nationalist, then he must be willing to fight for the nation and state. This is condensed when the nation can traced Indonesia struggled to achieve independence, and maintaining independence. When in era of globalization, it seems that the values of Indonesian nationalism undermined by it. Globalization affects the various life of the nation of Indonesia, both in the field of ideology, political system or government, economics, social and cultural rights. Therefore, the essence of nationalism, Indonesia must continue to be maintained, namely the values of Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, the love homeland, a sense of unity and unity and national insight. Also in an effort to strengthen nationalism in this era of globalization need to be pursued is a clean and authoritative government, instill and implement the teachings of religion with the best, instill and practice the values of Pancasila as well as possible, fostering the spirit of loving domestic production, and enforce rule of law to create justice for all Indonesian people.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kohl Samuel

Nationalism is a notion which argues that the loyalty of individuals should be left to the nation-state. Indonesian nationalism is the historical phenomenon that can not be removed from the influence of colonial powers of Western nations in the context of this colonial situation, the Indonesian nationalism is a response to the terms of political, socio-economic, cultural and specifically caused by the colonial situation. By kareka, then Indonesian nationalism in itself also contains three important aspects, namely political, economic social and cultural rights. From this statement it is understandable that if someone claimed a nationalist, then he must be willing to fight for the nation and state. This is condensed when the nation can traced Indonesia struggled to achieve independence, and maintaining independence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (11) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Carlos Rodríguez Torrent ◽  
Nicolás Gissi-Barbieri

The objective of this article is to characterize and analyze Haitian migration in Chile, in the global context in which it occurs, addressing it from a micro and meso level, understanding from its subjectivities the vulnerable relationships established with the different actors with which they interact in life daily and the role they play in the gradual transformation of social and work spaces. The type of research is qualitative, through the ethnographic method. It is observed that Haitian migration is a challenge for the Chilean State in terms of demand for services and coexistence, located in the field of economic, social, political and cultural rights. Particularly, Haitian migration anthropologically questions the idea of Chilean spatial, temporal and identity boundaries, offering various plans on the possibility of improving their lives and overcoming the barriers they face in a neo-liberal society. It is concluded that Haitians tend to be racialized and excluded, being subalternized, however, to the extent that they manage to work in a stable manner, they are inserted and even generate a willingness to take root considering that the possibility of returning to Haiti is quite uncertain, given the serious political-economic problems from your country of origin.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
Tomasz Stępniewski

The present paper discusses the following research questions: to what extent did errors made by the previous presidents of Ukraine result in the country’s failure to introduce systemic reforms (e.g. combating corruption, the development of a foundation for a stable state under the rule of law and free-market economy)?; can it be ventured that the lack of radical reforms along with errors in the internal politics of Ukraine under Petro Poroshenko resulted in the president’s failure?; will the strong vote of confidence given to Volodymyr Zelensky and the Servant of the People party exact systemic reforms in Ukraine?; or will Volodymyr Zelensky merely become an element of the oligarchic political system in Ukraine?


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (58) ◽  
pp. 9-24
Author(s):  
Dariusz Skrzypiński

The article provides an analysis of PiS1. actions with respect to the judiciary. PiS is the ruling party in Poland since 2015. It implemented very deep institutional reforms and took intensive communication measures of propaganda-like discrediting nature which brought significant political consequences. Firstly, the principles of rule of law and separation of powers were breached leading to a departure from standards of liberal democracy. Secondly, very strong polarisation of attitudes occurred in the society and legal elites with respect to the introduced reforms, causing politicisation of the judiciary and confrontation inside the judiciary between those in favour and those against the government’s actions.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessika Eichler

This textbook offers insights into the recently established special rights regime on indigenous peoples’ rights at international level. The reader is guided from the early beginnings of this issue in the 1970s to current jurisprudential developments. International and regional norms are introduced and contrasted with societal and political challenges. The book also opens broader debates on the politics of recognition and decolonisation, multilateral systems and global governance, the pluralisation of society and its institutions, collective rights and the meaning of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. This group-specific field of the international human rights protection system is viewed through the lenses of international law and socio-political approaches.


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-13
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zoll

The changes brought about in Poland and elsewhere in Europe by the fall of Communism have given rise to hopes for the establishment of a political system differing from the one which had been the fate of these countries. In place of totalitarianism, a new political system is to be created based on the democratic principles of a state under the rule of law. The transformation from totalitarianism to democracy is a process which has not yet been completed in Poland and still requires many efforts to be made before this goal may be achieved. One may also enumerate various pitfalls jeopardising this process even now. The dangers cannot be avoided if their sources and nature are not identified. Attempts to pervert the law and the political system may only be counteracted by legal means if the system based on the abuse of the law has not yet succeeded in establishing itself. Resistance by means of the law only has any real chance of success provided it is directed against attempts to set up a totalitarian system. Once the powers which are hostile to the state bound by the rule of law take over the institutions of the state, such resistance is doomed to failure.


2020 ◽  
pp. 0308518X2094852
Author(s):  
Miles Kenney-Lazar ◽  
SiuSue Mark

Since the mid- to late- 1980s, Laos and Myanmar (Burma) have gradually and unevenly opened their economies to capitalist relations of accumulation. Both countries have done so by granting state land concessions to private capital for resource extraction and land commodification projects, particularly since the early 2000s. Yet, resource capitalism has manifested in distinct ways in both places due to the ways in which capital has interacted with unique pre-capitalist political-economic and social relations as well as the diverse political reactions of Lao and Myanmar people to capitalist transformations. In this paper, we analyze such differences through a conceptualization of ‘variegated transitions’, an extension of the variegated capitalism framework, which investigates the political economic transitions towards capitalism in marginalized, resource extractive countries of the Global South. In Myanmar, the transition from military to democratic rule has been marked by protests and land occupations combined with center-periphery fragmentation and ongoing civil wars, all of which have led to a heavily contested process of land concession granting. In contrast, a stable, comparatively centralized political system in Laos that restrains popular protest has enabled an expanding regime of land concessions for resource extraction projects, albeit hemmed in at the edges by sporadic, localized forms of resistance and appeals to the state.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 632-650 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Brisku

This article explores the dilemma of the small Bohemian Lands/Czechoslovak nation (-state) in staying “in” or “out” of the larger Habsburg supranational entity in the late nineteenth and the early twentieth century. It does so mainly through the language of political economy (on national wealth creation and redistribution) articulated in the opinions and political actions of Czechoslovakia's two founding statesmen, the first president, Thomas G. Masaryk, and the first prime minister, Karel Kramař. The article argues that their choice of staying “in” the large imperial space was premised upon renegotiating a better political and political–economic deal for the Bohemian Lands, whereas the option of abandoning it and of forging the Czechoslovak nation-state was essentially based on political reasons. And while both advocated an interventionist role for the state in the economy during the imperial period, they considered such a prerogative even more essential for their new nation-state.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 128-156
Author(s):  
Karli Shimizu

From the late eighteenth century to WWII, shrine Shintō came to be seen as a secular institution by the government, academics, and activists in Japan (Isomae 2014; Josephson 2012, Maxey 2014). However, research thus far has largely focused on the political and academic discourses surrounding the development of this idea. This article contributes to this discussion by examining how a prominent modern Shintō shrine, Kashihara Jingū founded in 1890, was conceived of and treated as secular. It also explores how Kashihara Jingū communicated an alternate sense of space and time in line with a new Japanese secularity. This Shintō-based secularity, which located shrines as public, historical, and modern, was formulated in antagonism to the West and had an influence that extended across the Japanese sphere. The shrine also serves as a case study of how the modern political system of secularism functioned in a non-western nation-state.


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