scholarly journals HAITIAN MIGRATION IN SANTIAGO, CHILE: EXPULSIONS, IMAGINARY AND SOCIAL INSERTION IN A NEOLIBERAL NATION-STATE

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (11) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Carlos Rodríguez Torrent ◽  
Nicolás Gissi-Barbieri

The objective of this article is to characterize and analyze Haitian migration in Chile, in the global context in which it occurs, addressing it from a micro and meso level, understanding from its subjectivities the vulnerable relationships established with the different actors with which they interact in life daily and the role they play in the gradual transformation of social and work spaces. The type of research is qualitative, through the ethnographic method. It is observed that Haitian migration is a challenge for the Chilean State in terms of demand for services and coexistence, located in the field of economic, social, political and cultural rights. Particularly, Haitian migration anthropologically questions the idea of Chilean spatial, temporal and identity boundaries, offering various plans on the possibility of improving their lives and overcoming the barriers they face in a neo-liberal society. It is concluded that Haitians tend to be racialized and excluded, being subalternized, however, to the extent that they manage to work in a stable manner, they are inserted and even generate a willingness to take root considering that the possibility of returning to Haiti is quite uncertain, given the serious political-economic problems from your country of origin.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kohl Samuel

Nationalism is a notion which argues that the loyalty of individuals should be left to the nation-state. Indonesian nationalism is the historical phenomenon that can not be removed from the influence of colonial powers of Western nations in the context of this colonial situation, the Indonesian nationalism is a response to the terms of political, socio-economic, cultural and specifically caused by the colonial situation. By kareka, then Indonesian nationalism in itself also contains three important aspects, namely political, economic social and cultural rights. From this statement it is understandable that if someone claimed a nationalist, then he must be willing to fight for the nation and state. This is condensed when the nation can traced Indonesia struggled to achieve independence, and maintaining independence.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Pardede

Nationalism is a notion which argues that the loyalty of individuals should be left to the nation-state. Indonesian nationalism is the historical phenomenon that can not be removed from the influence of colonial powers of Western nations in the context of this colonial situation, the Indonesian nationalism is a response to the terms of political, socio-economic, cultural and specifically caused by the colonial situation. By kareka, then Indonesian nationalism in itself also contains three important aspects, namely political, economic social and cultural rights. From this statement it is understandable that if someone claimed a nationalist, then he must be willing to fight for the nation and state. This is condensed when the nation can traced Indonesia struggled to achieve independence, and maintaining independence. When in era of globalization, it seems that the values of Indonesian nationalism undermined by it. Globalization affects the various life of the nation of Indonesia, both in the field of ideology, political system or government, economics, social and cultural rights. Therefore, the essence of nationalism, Indonesia must continue to be maintained, namely the values of Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, the love homeland, a sense of unity and unity and national insight. Also in an effort to strengthen nationalism in this era of globalization need to be pursued is a clean and authoritative government, instill and implement the teachings of religion with the best, instill and practice the values of Pancasila as well as possible, fostering the spirit of loving domestic production, and enforce rule of law to create justice for all Indonesian people.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessika Eichler

This textbook offers insights into the recently established special rights regime on indigenous peoples’ rights at international level. The reader is guided from the early beginnings of this issue in the 1970s to current jurisprudential developments. International and regional norms are introduced and contrasted with societal and political challenges. The book also opens broader debates on the politics of recognition and decolonisation, multilateral systems and global governance, the pluralisation of society and its institutions, collective rights and the meaning of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. This group-specific field of the international human rights protection system is viewed through the lenses of international law and socio-political approaches.


Author(s):  
Or Rosenboim

This chapter examines perceptions of the state in a global context, arguing that the emergence of globalism encouraged mid-century thinkers to reimagine—but not abandon—the nation-state. In particular, it considers Raymond Aron’s proposals to reinterpret the political space of the nation-state in the post-war era and how the war experience formed his conceptualization of international relations. While the state remained for Aron the main bastion of individual liberty, he acknowledged its conceptual and structural insufficiency in the age of globalism. Aron’s interpretation of political ideologies in conversation with the sociologist Karl Mannheim and the philosopher Jacques Maritain led to the development of his loose and pluralistic vision of European unity held together by “political myth.” The chapter also compares Aron’s vision of world order with that of David Mitrany.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 632-650 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Brisku

This article explores the dilemma of the small Bohemian Lands/Czechoslovak nation (-state) in staying “in” or “out” of the larger Habsburg supranational entity in the late nineteenth and the early twentieth century. It does so mainly through the language of political economy (on national wealth creation and redistribution) articulated in the opinions and political actions of Czechoslovakia's two founding statesmen, the first president, Thomas G. Masaryk, and the first prime minister, Karel Kramař. The article argues that their choice of staying “in” the large imperial space was premised upon renegotiating a better political and political–economic deal for the Bohemian Lands, whereas the option of abandoning it and of forging the Czechoslovak nation-state was essentially based on political reasons. And while both advocated an interventionist role for the state in the economy during the imperial period, they considered such a prerogative even more essential for their new nation-state.


2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 623-645 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burhanuddin Muhtadi

AbstractThis article describes the nature of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) in the post-Suharto era and its views on the resurrection of the global Islamic caliphate, its opposition to the notions of democracy and nation-state. In the aftermath of Suharto's fall in 1998, HTI has seized the opportunity to promise the establishment of a fair society under a global Islamic caliphate. The rapid rise of HTI has, more so than most other Islamist groups, been accentuated by the growing public dissatisfaction with the post-Suharto or reformasi period. There is an increasing perception in larger society that political, economic, and law reforms introduced in the reformasi era has had no significant impact to improve people's daily lives. This deteriorating condition under post-Suharto regimes has successfully justified the HTI's claims that Indonesia needs a radical and comprehensive system, or what HTI coined as al-khalifah al-Islamiyyah (Islamic caliphate). Looking at HTI's grand narrative of the global Islamic caliphate and its refutation of the ideas of democracy and nation-state, it is clear that HTI has taken a number of negative steps in the direction of democratic consolidation in Indonesia.


2002 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 485-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHARLES R. HALE

This article challenges the assumption that the underlying principles of state-endorsed ‘multiculturalism’ stand in tension with neoliberal political-economic policies. Based on ethnographic research in Guatemala, it is argued that neoliberalism's cultural project entails pro-active recognition of a minimal package of cultural rights, and an equally vigorous rejection of the rest. The result is a dichotomy between recognised and recalcitrant indigenous subjects, which confronts the indigenous rights movement as a ‘menace’ even greater than the assimilationist policies of the previous era. It is suggested that the most effective response to this menace is probably not to engage in frontal opposition to neoliberal regimes, but rather to refuse the dichotomy altogether.


Author(s):  
Sayed Mohammad Faqiri ◽  
Abdul Shakoor Faqirzada

The present study aims to examine the social barriers to nation-building in Afghanistan. In this qualitative type of research, the semi-structured interview tools were used to collect data. After the interviews, the obtained information was coded and analyzed. The findings of this study showed that the most significant social barriers to the nation-building process in Afghanistan were the ethnic structure of power, wars, ethnic elites, and interference from neighboring countries, inability to use the presence of foreigners, traditional society, and the lack of cultural discourses, the definition of ethnic identity, hegemony, ethnic totalitarianism, and toxic antidote. Also, social factors on political, economic, cultural, and geographical issues were examined in this study. The most important political obstacles to the nation-building process in Afghanistan have been social disunity, the presence of foreigners, exceptional opportunity, political instability, and the lack of national political leaders and parties.The most important cultural barriers are the illusion of conspiracy, cultural confrontation, and low level of awareness and lack of common aspirations. Recent findings of this study show that citizenship rights can be the central pillar in the establishment of a nation. Citizenship right is a new concept that equalizes the political, social, and cultural rights of all members in a society. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Muhammad Natsir

<p align="center"><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Islam agama Rahmatan lil ‘alamin yang mengajarkan sikap <em>wasathiyah</em> sesuai dengan metodologi Al-Qur’an, yaitu lembut, santun, ramah, berlapang dada, dan mengandalkan kekuatan doa. Wajah Islam Nusantara yang dibawa oleh para mujahid sufi wali sanga adalah  sangat kental diwarnai oleh corak Tasawuf, yaitu corak keIslaman yang lembut, santun dan toleran. Para Ulama’ dari kurun waktu ke waktu yang lain telah memposisikan dirinya sebagai obor umat, yang senantiasa membimbing umat agar menjadi sebatang pohon yang indah. Akar keyakinan yang kokoh; batang, dahan, ranting dan dedaunannya adalah istiqomah; sedangkan buah pohon keIslaman adalah integritas akhlak, etika, dan moral.</p><p>Ajaran Islam memiliki tiga pilar; iman, Islam dan ihsan, kemudian berkembang menjadi akidah, syari’ah, dan akhlak atau tawhid, fikih dan Tasawuf. Ihsan merupakan essensi Tasawuf dan sebaliknya, keduanya merupakan pilar utama untuk membangun pribadi Muslim yang saleh, yaitu pribadi yang tercermin pada diri dan perilaku Nabi Muhammad SAW sebagai Al-Qur’an hidup.</p><p>Indonesia telah masuk pada abad ke-21 atau abad global, banyak masyarakat muslim yang berhasil menduduki posisi strategis di segala ranah kehidupan; politik, ekonomi, sosial dan budaya, yang seharusnya mewarnai Indonesia dengan nilai-nilai keIslaman semisal etos kerja, produktifitas, professional, dan integritas yang berujung pada <strong>kemaslahatan umat manusia</strong>. Akan tetapi, moralitas mereka kotor karena hanya menunjukkan simbol-simbol keIslaman saja. Ihsan (Tasawuf) dipahami secara inklusif; terbatas pada ranah perilaku peribadatan saja, sehingga Rekontekstualisasi nilai-nilai Tasawuf pada seluruh ranah kehidupan manusia akan menjadi wujud perilaku nyata sebagai representasi dari nilai ajaran tasawuf itu sendiri untuk mewujudkan <em>maslahah</em> bagi manusia yang dinamis seiring perkembangan zaman.</p><p><strong>Kata Kunci : Representasi, Tasawuf, masyarakat, global</strong></p><p align="center"><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p> </p><p>Islam Rahmatan lil 'alamin religion that teaches attitude wasathiyah accordance with the methodology of the Qur'an, that is gentle, courteous, friendly, diledang chest, and rely on the power of prayer. The face of Islamic archipelago brought by the Sufi sage mujahid is very strongly colored by the style of Sufism, ie the pattern of keIslaman gentle, polite and tolerant. The Ulama 'from time to time others have positioned themselves as the torch of the Ummah, who constantly guides the people into a beautiful tree. The root of firm beliefs; stems, branches, twigs and leaves are istiqomah; while the fruit of Islamic trees is the integrity of morals, ethics, and morals.</p><p>Islamic teachings have three pillars; faith, Islam and ihsan, then developed into aqidah, shari'ah, and morals or tawhid, fiqh and mysticism. Ihsan is the essence of Sufism and vice versa, both of which are the main pillars for building a pious Muslim personality, a person who is reflected in the self and behavior of Prophet Muhammad as the living Qur'an.</p><p>Indonesia has entered the 21st century or the global century, many Muslim societies have succeeded in occupying strategic positions in all spheres of life; political, economic, social and cultural rights, which should color Indonesia with Islamic values such as work ethic, productivity, professional, and integrity that lead to the benefit of mankind. However, their morality is dirty because it shows only the symbols of Islam. Ihsan (Sufism) is understood inclusively; confined to the domain of religious behavior only, so that Rekontekstualisasi the values of Sufism on the entire realm of human life will be a manifest behavior as a representation of the value of the teachings of Sufism itself to realize the maslahah for human dynamic as the times.</p><p><strong>Keywords: Representation, Sufism, society, global</strong></p>


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