scholarly journals What motivates high vowel deletion in Québec French: Foot structure or tonal profile?

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Natália Brambatti Guzzo ◽  
Heather Goad ◽  
Guilherme D. Garcia
Keyword(s):  
Alternative Hypothesis ◽  
Foot Structure ◽  
Initial Syllable ◽  
Quebec French ◽  
Previous Proposal ◽  
Vowel Deletion ◽  
The Right

Previous studies have argued that high vowel deletion (HVD) in Québec French is constrained by iterative iambic footing (Guzzo, Goad & Garcia 2016, Garcia, Goad & Guzzo 2017; see also Verluyten 1982), since it preferentially applies in even-numbered syllables from the right edge of the word. In this paper, we compare this hypothesis with an alternative hypothesis: HVD is constrained by the optionally-realized phrase-initial H tone (Jun & Fougeron 2000, Thibault & Ouellet 1996). We report on a judgement task in which two- and four-syllable nouns with HVD in the initial syllable are placed in phrases of different profiles (No determiner, Determiner + noun, Determiner + adjective + noun). If tonal profile plays a role in HVD, HVD in four-syllable nouns in phrases where the noun is in isolation or preceded by a determiner alone should be dispreferred, since the initial syllable of the noun is assigned the optional H tone in these contexts. Our results do not confirm this: HVD is favored in four-syllable nouns over two-syllable nouns, regardless of phrase type. We explain this finding by expanding our previous proposal: HVD is regulated by foot structure, but is dispreferred when it targets the head foot (where the obligatory phrase-final prominence is realized).

scholarly journals What motivates high vowel deletion in Québec French: foot structure or tonal profile?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natália Brambatti Guzzo ◽  
Heather Goad ◽  
Guilherme Duarte Garcia
Keyword(s):  
Alternative Hypothesis ◽  
Foot Structure ◽  
Initial Syllable ◽  
Quebec French ◽  
Previous Proposal ◽  
Vowel Deletion ◽  
The Right

Previous studies have argued that high vowel deletion (HVD) in Québec French is constrained by iterative iambic footing (Guzzo, Goad & Garcia 2016, Garcia, Goad & Guzzo 2017; see also Verluyten 1982), since it preferentially applies in even-numbered syllables from the right edge of the word. In this paper, we compare this hypothesis with an alternative hypothesis: HVD is constrained by the optionally-realized phrase-initial H tone (Jun & Fougeron 2000, Thibault & Ouellet 1996). We report on a judgement task in which two- and four-syllable nouns with HVD in the initial syllable are placed in phrases of different profiles (No determiner, Determiner + noun, Determiner + adjective + noun). If tonal profile plays a role in HVD, HVD in four-syllable nouns in phrases where the noun is in isolation or preceded by a determiner alone should be dispreferred, since the initial syllable of the noun is assigned the optional H tone in these contexts. Our results do not confirm this: HVD is favored in four-syllable nouns over two-syllable nouns, regardless of phrase type. We explain this finding by expanding our previous proposal: HVD is regulated by foot structure, but is dispreferred when it targets the head foot (where the obligatory phrase-final prominence is realized).

scholarly journals Footing is Not Always about Stress: Formalizing Variable High Vowel Deletion in Québec French

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guilherme D. Garcia ◽  
Heather Goad ◽  
Natália Brambatti Guzzo
Keyword(s):  
Native Speakers ◽  
Foot Structure ◽  
Quebec French ◽  
Vowel Deletion ◽  
The Right ◽  
Phonological Phrase

The existence of foot structure in (Québec) French is disputed, since the only position of obligatory prominence in the language is the right edge of the phonological phrase. In this paper, we propose that a segmental process, namely, high vowel deletion (HVD), supports the existence of iterative iambic footing in Québec French. We report on a judgement task with auditorily-presented stimuli in which native speakers judged whether words with and without HVD sounded natural. The results show that (i) HVD is preferred in even-numbered syllables from the right word edge, (ii) HVD is preferred when the resulting consonantal cluster mirrors an ill-formed branching onset, and (iii) although non-deletion is overall preferred to deletion, deletion is preferred in one context: when the target vowel is at a suffix boundary and in foot-dependent positions. 

scholarly journals Footing is not always about stress: formalizing variable high vowel deletion in Québec French

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guilherme Duarte Garcia ◽  
Heather Goad ◽  
Natália Brambatti Guzzo
Keyword(s):  
Native Speakers ◽  
Foot Structure ◽  
Quebec French ◽  
Vowel Deletion ◽  
The Right ◽  
Phonological Phrase

The existence of foot structure in (Québec) French is disputed, since the only position of obligatory prominence in the language is the right edge of the phonological phrase. In this paper, we propose that a segmental process, namely, high vowel deletion (HVD), supports the existence of iterative iambic footing in Québec French. We report on a judgement task with auditorily-presented stimuli in which native speakers judged whether words with and without HVD sounded natural. The results show that (i) HVD is preferred in even-numbered syllables from the right word edge, (ii) HVD is preferred when the resulting consonantal cluster mirrors an ill-formed branching onset, and (iii) although non-deletion is overall preferred to deletion, deletion is preferred in one context: when the target vowel is at a suffix boundary and in foot-dependent positions.

scholarly journals L2 acquisition of high vowel deletion in Quebec French

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guilherme Duarte Garcia ◽  
Heather Goad ◽  
Natália Brambatti Guzzo
Keyword(s):  
Second Language ◽  
Lexical Stress ◽  
L2 Acquisition ◽  
Phonological Word ◽  
Word Level ◽  
Quebec French ◽  
Vowel Deletion ◽  
The Right ◽  
Phonological Phrase

In languages with lexical stress, stress is computed in the phonological word (PWd) and realized in the foot. In some of these languages, feet are constructed iteratively, yielding multiple stressed syllables in a PWd. English has this profile. In French, by contrast, the only position of obligatory prominence is the right-edge of the phonological phrase (PPh), regardless of how many lexical words it contains (Dell 1984). This has led some to analyze French "stress" as intonational prominence and French, in contrast to most languages, as foot-less (Jun & Fougeron 2000). In earlier work, we argued that high vowel deletion (HVD) motivates iterative iambic footing in Quebec French (QF), although the typical signatures of word-level stress are absent. In this paper, we examine the L2 acquisition of HVD and the prosodic constraints that govern it. We show that L2ers can acquire subtle aspects of the phonology of a second language, even at intermediate levels of proficiency.

scholarly journals High vowel distribution and trochaic markedness in Québécois

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-82
Author(s):  
Yulia Bosworth
Keyword(s):  
Minimum Light ◽  
Foot Structure ◽  
Left Branch ◽  
Weight Value ◽  
Variable Distribution ◽  
Quebec French ◽  
High Vowels ◽  
The Right

Abstract This paper argues for quantity-sensitive, trochaic foot structure in Québécois French, which allows for a unified prosodic account of the variable distribution of tenseness of high vowels in non-final syllables. Following Montreuil (Montreuil, Jean-Pierre. 2004a. Fragmenting weight in Scottish English. In Monica Pulki (ed.), La tribune internationale des langues vivantes, 36, 114–22. Paris. Montreuil, Jean-Pierre. 2004b. The Computation of weight in English and in Québec French. First PAC Workshop 23–24 April 2004, Université de Toulouse le Mirail.) a grammatical, sonority-based surface weight distinction is assumed for Québécois French vowels, with tense high vowels associated to a full mora µ, while lax high vowels are associated to a hypomora λ, a weight value less than µ. The weight is shown to be regulated at the level of the minimally monomoraic foot, which can be expanded to include an adjacent syllable in words consisting of more than two syllables, following the proposed Trochaic Markedness Hierarchy, based on the following three ranked principles: 1) quantitative minimum: light and heavy rimes are preferred to superlight (λ) rimes, 2) quantitative evenness: even trochees are preferred to uneven trochees, and 3) quantitative dominance: the left branch that is heavier than the right branch is preferred to the left branch that is lighter. Possible shapes of the trochee are shown to be aligned with alternating surface realizations of high vowels.

Hypothesis testing with error correction models

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Patrick W. Kraft ◽  
Ellen M. Key ◽  
Matthew J. Lebo
Keyword(s):  
Hypothesis Testing ◽  
Error Correction ◽  
Null Hypothesis ◽  
Alternative Hypothesis ◽  
Correction Coefficient ◽  
Correction Model ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Independent Variable ◽  
The Right ◽  
General Error

Abstract Grant and Lebo (2016) and Keele et al. (2016) clarify the conditions under which the popular general error correction model (GECM) can be used and interpreted easily: In a bivariate GECM the data must be integrated in order to rely on the error correction coefficient, $\alpha _1^\ast$ , to test cointegration and measure the rate of error correction between a single exogenous x and a dependent variable, y. Here we demonstrate that even if the data are all integrated, the test on $\alpha _1^\ast$ is misunderstood when there is more than a single independent variable. The null hypothesis is that there is no cointegration between y and any x but the correct alternative hypothesis is that y is cointegrated with at least one—but not necessarily more than one—of the x's. A significant $\alpha _1^\ast$ can occur when some I(1) regressors are not cointegrated and the equation is not balanced. Thus, the correct limiting distributions of the right-hand-side long-run coefficients may be unknown. We use simulations to demonstrate the problem and then discuss implications for applied examples.

Multi-Item Discriminability Pattern to Faces in Developmental Prosopagnosia Reveals Distinct Mechanisms of Face Processing

2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (5) ◽  
pp. 2986-2996
Author(s):  
Xue Tian ◽  
Ruosi Wang ◽  
Yuanfang Zhao ◽  
Zonglei Zhen ◽  
Yiying Song ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Face Processing ◽  
Alternative Hypothesis ◽  
Normal Population ◽  
Imaging Study ◽  
Multiple Sources ◽  
Neural Basis ◽  
Face Area ◽  
Normal Individuals ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Right

Abstract Previous studies have shown that individuals with developmental prosopagnosia (DP) show specific deficits in face processing. However, the mechanism underlying the deficits remains largely unknown. One hypothesis suggests that DP shares the same mechanism as normal population, though their faces processing is disproportionally impaired. An alternative hypothesis emphasizes a qualitatively different mechanism of DP processing faces. To test these hypotheses, we instructed DP and normal individuals to perceive faces and objects. Instead of calculating accuracy averaging across stimulus items, we used the discrimination accuracy for each item to construct a multi-item discriminability pattern. We found DP’s discriminability pattern was less similar to that of normal individuals when perceiving faces than perceiving objects, suggesting that DP has qualitatively different mechanism in representing faces. A functional magnetic resonance imaging study was conducted to reveal the neural basis and found that multi-voxel activation patterns for faces in the right fusiform face area and occipital face area of DP were deviated away from the mean activation pattern of normal individuals. Further, the face representation was more heterogeneous in DP, suggesting that deficits of DP may come from multiple sources. In short, our study provides the first direct evidence that DP processes faces qualitatively different from normal population.

scholarly journals The metaphoric nature of the ordinal position effect

2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (8) ◽  
pp. 2121-2129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dandan Zhou ◽  
Hanxi Zhong ◽  
Wenshan Dong ◽  
Min Li ◽  
Tom Verguts ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Cognitive Processing ◽  
Alternative Hypothesis ◽  
Position Effect ◽  
Serial Order ◽  
Ordinal Position ◽  
Hand Position ◽  
Left Hand ◽  
The Right ◽  
Bottom To Top ◽  
Different Sources

Serial orders are thought to be spatially represented in working memory: The beginning items in the memorised sequence are associated with the left side of space and the ending items are associated with the right side of space. However, the origin of this ordinal position effect has remained unclear. It was suggested that the direction of serial order–space interaction is related to the reading/writing experience. An alternative hypothesis is that it originates from the “more is right”/“more is up” spatial metaphors we use in daily life. We can adjudicate between the two viewpoints in Chinese readers; they read left-to-right but also have a culturally ancient top-to-bottom reading/writing direction. Thus, the reading/writing viewpoint predicts no or a top-to-bottom effect in serial order–space interaction; whereas the spatial metaphor theory predicts a clear bottom-to-top effect. We designed four experiments to investigate this issue. First, we found a left-to-right ordinal position effect, replicating results obtained in Western populations. However, the vertical ordinal position effect was in the bottom-to-top direction; moreover, it was modulated by hand position (e.g., left hand bottom or up). We suggest that order–space interactions may originate from different sources and are driven by metaphoric comprehension, which itself may ground cognitive processing.

scholarly journals Informational goals, sentence structure, and comparison class inference

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Henry Tessler ◽  
Polina Tsvilodub ◽  
Jesse Snedeker ◽  
Roger Philip Levy
Keyword(s):  
Alternative Hypothesis ◽  
Subject Position ◽  
Sentence Structure ◽  
Trade Off ◽  
Comparison Class ◽  
Gradable Adjective ◽  
Class A ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Right ◽  
Great Dane

Understanding a gradable adjective (e.g., big) requires making reference to a comparison class, a set of objects or entities against which the referent is implicitly compared (e.g., big for a Great Dane), but how do listeners decide upon a comparison class? Simple models of semantic composition stipulate that the adjective combines with a noun, which necessarily be- comes the comparison class (e.g., “That Great Dane is big” means big for a Great Dane). We investigate an alternative hypothesis built on the idea that the utility of a noun in an adjectival utterance can be either for reference (getting the listener to attend to the right object) or predication (describing a property of the referent). Therefore, we hypothesize that when the presence of a noun N can be explained away by its utility in reference (e.g., being in the subject position: “That N is big”), it is less likely to set the comparison class. Across three pre-registered experiments, we find evidence that listeners use the noun as a cue to infer comparison classes consistent with a trade-off between reference and predication. This work highlights the complexity of the relation between the form of an utterance and its meaning.

Timing Finger Opening in Overarm Throwing Based on a Spatial Representation of Hand Path

2005 ◽  
Vol 93 (6) ◽  
pp. 3189-3199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jon Hore ◽  
Sherry Watts
Keyword(s):  
Spatial Representation ◽  
Alternative Hypothesis ◽  
Angular Position ◽  
Middle Finger ◽  
Proximal Interphalangeal Joint ◽  
Strongly Correlated ◽  
Throwing Accuracy ◽  
Overarm Throwing ◽  
Two Parameters ◽  
The Right

Previous studies on overarm throwing have suggested that throwing accuracy depends on a precise central timing mechanism. In the present study, we investigated an alternative hypothesis: that central control of finger opening is based on an internal positional representation of handpath. Angular positions of each segment of the middle finger, thumb, and arm were recorded with the search-coil technique as subjects made slow, medium, and fast throws at a target 3.1 m away. Onset of ball release from the hand was strongly correlated with extension at the proximal interphalangeal joint (PIJ). The velocity of this finger joint opening varied with the speed of the throw. In agreement with the hypothesis, at a fixed hand angular position in space, there was no difference across subjects in the amplitude of extension at the PIJ for throws of different speeds. That is, for these two parameters, a fast throw was the same as a slow throw that was sped-up. This occurred irrespective of whether the trunk was constrained (sitting throws) or unconstrained (standing throws). No equivalent relation was found between extension at the PIJ and elbow extension. These findings support the idea that precisely timed finger opening in overarm throwing depends, not on a central timing controller that triggers a step-like (ballistic) finger opening at the right moment in throws of different speeds, but on a central spatial controller that matches angular positions of finger opening to the intended handpath.

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