scholarly journals THE MILITARY COUP ON 28 MARCH 1962 IN SYRIA AND PROPAGANDA BROADCASTS ON DAMASCUS RADIO ABOUT THE COUP

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
savaş sertel
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Public Welfare ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Arab State ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
The Public ◽  
French Mandate ◽  
Ancient Times ◽  
The Military

Located in the Middle East, Syria is an Arab state, whose history goes back to ancient times. One of the oldest civilizations, Egypt is located between the Anatolian and Mesopotamian civilizations. Syria remained under the rule of the Ottoman Empire for almost 400 years. However, after the WWI, the country went under the French mandate. Syria won its independence in 1946. The country faced several military coups between 1949 to 1970, sometimes one military coup within another one. Some of the coups lasted only one week. In 1970 Hafez al-Assad, who was a member of the Ba’ath Party, took over and started a stable dictatorial era. During the 28 March 1962 coup, one of those undermining the already weak democracy in Syria, the Damascus radio made propaganda all day long praising the coup. In this study, we examine sections of the broadcasts on the Damascus radio, which had become the propaganda means of the 28 March 1962 coup, followed closely by the Turkish Foreign Affairs. In the broadcasts, the coup was praised on the whole, and the reasons for the coup as stated by the military were tried to be dictated upon the public. Moreover, the overthrown government was blamed for treason and serving imperialism. By doing so, they tried to discredit the old regime and emphasized that they were the rescuers and the ally of the public. With statements and propaganda far from being credible, they threatened those who did not obey the curfew and said anyone taking part in demonstrations would be severely punished. In this way, they tried to suppress and intimidate the general public. Thus the so-called populist coup was actually made against the public for the claimed "public welfare".

Burkina junta face battle consolidating takeover

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Performance ◽  
Ivory Coast ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
Donor Support ◽  
The Military

Significance The military coup, which began on September 16, has dealt a major blow towards restoring constitutional order. The 'soft coup' ousting last year of former President Blaise Compaore was on the back of a popular insurrection. This new coup represents a grab for power by old regime members. Presidential and legislative elections due on October 11 are unlikely to take place as scheduled. Impacts Prolonged unrest in Burkina will jeopardise the ability of France and the United States to use the country as a counterterrorism base. Compaore's possible role in the coup, from his current base in Ivory Coast, could embarrass the Ivorian president's own re-election bid. If the crisis persists, Burkina's steady economic performance will be imperilled from suspensions in donor support.

scholarly journals Zimbabwe Post Election Violence: Motlanthe Commission of Inquiry 2018

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (02) ◽  
pp. 20392-20406
Author(s):  
Teddy Mungwari
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Immediate Release ◽  
Public Welfare ◽  
National Elections ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Hearings ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Election Violence ◽  
The Military

Zimbabwe held its national elections on 30 July 2018. The electoral process was generally peaceful until 1 August 2018, when demonstrators took to the streets of Harare demanding the immediate release of the presidential election results. Arguably, the police failed to contain the situation and sought the assistance of the military which fired live ammunition to unarmed civilians. By end of 1 August 2018, at least six (6) people had been tragically killed; injury of thirty-five (35), and extensive damage and destruction of property had been caused. Following these incidents, on 12 September 2018, the President of the Republic of Zimbabwe, His Excellency Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa, appointed a Commission of Inquiry in terms of Section 2(1) of the Commission of Inquiry Act [Chapter 10:07] through Proclamation 6of 2018 published in Statutory Instrument 181 of 2018, to investigate matters of public welfare arising out of the tragic events in Harare on 1 August 2018. This article argues that the Motlanthe Commission of Inquiry was biased against main opposition. The article concluded that the coverage of the public hearings was polarized and that Zimbabwe is a divided and polarized state. This article contributes towards policy and reform changes.

scholarly journals Democratic Transformation and Regional Institutions: The Case of Myanmar and ASEAN

2013 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Shanahan Renshaw
Keyword(s):  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Credible Commitments ◽  
Worst Case ◽  
Regional Institutions ◽  
The Public ◽  
Low Expectations ◽  
Regional Organisations ◽  
Democratic Transformation ◽  
The Military

The focus of this article is Myanmar's transition to democracy, which is taking place after almost half a century of military rule. The former military rulers are themselves the architects of transition. This article notes that one of the key challenges faced by military regimes during this kind of transition is the problem of “credible commitments”. In short, the issue is this: a transition will only be successful if it has the support of the political opposition and the public at large. But why should these groups believe in the promises of former tyrants? Problems of credibility and low expectations about the intention and capacity of the military to effect reform can cause destabilisation and undermine prospects for a successful transition. In worst case scenarios, instability leads to a resurgence of authoritarianism, or to a(nother) military coup. This article highlights the role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in assisting the transition and stabilisation of Myanmar's fledgling democracy. The argument is that ASEAN provides a means whereby Myanmar's leaders can make credible commitments about their intentions in relation to liberalisation and democratisation, lending support to Myanmar's reformist government at a crucial time in the transition to democracy. The article concludes that under certain circumstances, even regional organisations such as ASEAN, which are not comprised of a majority of democratic states, can (to a degree) influence perceptions about a democratising regime's commitment to reform.

scholarly journals Pacific Journalism Monographs No 1: Pacific Media Freedom 2011: A status report

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Perrottet ◽  
David Robie
Keyword(s):  
Pacific Islands ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Status Report ◽  
Media Industry ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Monthly Basis ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Military

Pacific media freedom has been under siege for more than a decade, particularly since an attempted coup in Fiji in May 2000, when a television station was attacked and ransacked, a foreign journalist was shot and wounded and a local journalist ended up being imprisoned for treason. Since then various Pacific countries, notably Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Tonga and Vanuatu have faced various periods of media repression. Since the military coup in December 2006, Fiji has faced arguably its worst sustained pressure on the media since the original two Rabuka coups in 1987. The Bainimarama regime in June 2010 imposed a Media Industry Development Decree that enforced draconian curbs on journalists and restrictive controls on foreign ownership of the press. This consolidated systematic state censorship of news organisations that had been imposed in April 2009 with the Public Emergency Regulations that have been rolled over on a monthly basis ever since. Promised relaxation of state censorship after the imposition of the Decree never eventuated. This research monograph covers the period 1 July 2010-30 June 2011 and examines the trends in the Pacific region. In addition to Pacific Islands Forum member nations, it covers the French Pacific territories and the former Indonesian colony of East Timor and current twin provinces known collectively as West Papua.

scholarly journals The political situation in Syria during the Al-Ahed Al- Fusaily by addressing of Al-Asma newspaper (1919-1920): الأوضاع السياسية في سوريا في العهذ الفيصلي (1919 - 1920) من خلال افتتاحيات صحيفة العاصمة السورية

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maysoon Mansour Obeidat
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
The Other ◽  
Arab State ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Government ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
French Mandate ◽  
History Of

The purpose of the study is to analyze the political situation in Syria during the ALahed AL Fusaily by addressing of Al- Asma newspaper (1919-1920), in addition to Prince Faisal's role internally and externally during the Peace Conference in 1920, And the unity of the States of the Levant, to be the basis for the launch of a wider Arab unity, and the statement of conspiracy allies on the Arabs, especially France and its attempts to occupy Syria, and then efforts by the Syrian Arab state to prevent this, and also briefly discussed Prince Faisal talks and meetings and correspondence with the British government from Hand and To the governments and political and popular bodies in Syria, Lebanon and Palestine on the other hand, which revolves around ways to achieve the unity of the countries of the Levant, and then review the role of the Syrian press in the history of modern Arabs in general and Syrian history in particular, where appeared in the early twentieth century newspapers in Arabic, In the Arab nationalist thought, as a result of which was persecuted by the Ottoman Empire, and then the French mandate.  

An Indonesian Islam?

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carool Kersten
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
The Public ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Military ◽  
Opening Up

The history of postcolonial Indonesia can therefore be divided into three periods, dominated by different regimes with its own characteristics, during which Islamisation process has continued to evolve. The Sukarno presidency (1945-1965) marks the first period, during which Mayumi established itself as the main Islamic political party. It began with decade of continuing nation building when the young republic was first engaged in armed conflict with the Dutch; experimented with liberal democracy; but then shifted toward ‘Guided Democracy’ and the disbanding of Masyumi. During the same twenty-year period, the unity of Indonesia was also challenged by the Islamist Darul Islam movement. A military coup in 1965 heralded the beginning of the military New Order Regime of General Suharto (1965-1998). Political Islam was kept control and occasionally manipulating it for its own purposes. From the 1970s onward, New Order did make some allowances for Muslim participation in governance, initiating further use of Islam for political purposes between 1983—1993. After the dramatic regime change in 1998, the democratisation process that started in 1999 saw an unprecedented opening-up of the public sphere. This change in Indonesia’s political climate offered new opportunities for socio-political activism across the Islamic spectrum, but also presented a new set of challenges for the world’s largest Muslim nation state. Islamic mass organisations, newly formed political parties, NGOs, think tanks and other platforms began presenting a range of competing Islamic discourses.

Labor, Capital, and the State in Nasserist Egypt, 1952–1961

1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Beinin
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Labor Movement ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
British Colonialism ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
Labor Militancy ◽  
Full Independence ◽  
The Military

In the decade before the military coup of July 23, 1952, an increasingly militant workers' movement was an important component of the social and political upheaval that undermined the monarchy and ended the era of British colonialism in Egypt. The ebbs and flows of the labor movement coincided with successive upsurges of the nationalist movement. Working class participation in the nationalist struggle infused the movement for full independence and evacuation of British military forces with a radical social consciousness, and since workers’ strikes and demonstrations were often directed against foreign enterprises, the labor movement was commonly considered to be a component of the nationalist movement. The working class was a social battering ram destabilizing the old regime, and many nationalists encouraged and legitimized labor militancy.

scholarly journals Causes of the Failed of the Military Coup in Turkey in 2016

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-262
Author(s):  
Mhd Alfahjri Sukri
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Public ◽  
News Reports ◽  
Turkish People ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Military ◽  
Turkish Society

Military interference in politics in Turkey resumed with an outright military coup on July 15, 2016, but the Coup failed. The Turkish military has always successfully conducted coups, both directly and indirectly, which occurred in 1960, 1971, 1980, and 1997. From these problems, The study aims to analyze the causes of the failure of the 2016 coup and describe the causes of the Coup and compare the 2016 coup with the 1960 and 1980 direct coups. A qualitative method was used in this research by conducting literature studies and data sourced from scientific journals, news reports, articles, and other related sources. The results showed that the failure of the military Coup in 2016 was due to rejection from the community but also the failure of the coup group to arrest key government actors such as President Erdogan and Prime Minister Binali Yildirim. The failure to arrest these key actors enabled them to mobilize the masses against the coup group, as did President Erdogan, who announced his rejection of the Coup through FaceTime broadcast by CNN Turk and invited the public to reject the Coup. Binali Yildirim also rejected the same problem. This is one of the factors that led to the descent of Turks to the streets against the coup attempt. Even though seeing the previous Coup, the military always received support from the Turkish people. In addition, there is also the role of technology that connects key actors with Turkish society. This research explains the important role of key state actors in countering military coups and provides an overview of ways for civilian governments and the general public to resist military coups.

Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

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