scholarly journals Party, Class, and Mobility: An Empirical Investigation of Parents' Chinese Communist Party Membership's Effects on Children's Social Class in Contemporary China

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tongtian Xiao

Sociological interest in post-reform China has burgeoned since sociologists such as Victor Nee and Andrew Walder had initiated a debate of whether the market transition of former socialist countries benefit the direct producers of the market rather than political elites. Informed by the market transition debate, stratification theories, and intergenerational mobility studies, this study aims to examine whether under the party-state political structure, ruling party membership is a substantial exogenous source of social class stratification. Data in this study is drawn from the 2013 Chinese General Social Survey (n = 2,209). The ordinary least square (OLS) regression suggests that for non-institutionalized Chinese adults who are born during the reform era (1978 -2013), their parents' Chinese Communist Party membership is a statistically significant factor in determining their social class measured by their income and education, when holding constant sex, age, region, urbanity, and ethnicity. This study contributes to the sociological understanding of how political institutions shape individual socio-economic status and how state intervention perpetuates or diminishes social inequality on the individual level.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wei Huang ◽  
Panpan Yao ◽  
Fan Li ◽  
Xiaowei Liao

AbstractThis paper documents the structure and operations of student governments in contemporary Chinese higher education and their effect on college students’ political trust and party membership. We first investigate the structure and power distribution within student governments in Chinese universities, specifically focusing on the autonomy of student governments and the degree to which they represent students. Second, using a large sample of college students, we examine how participating in student government affects their political trust and party membership. Our results show that student government in Chinese higher education possesses a complex, hierarchical matrix structure with two main parallel systems—the student union and the Chinese Communist Party system. We found that power distribution within student governments is rather uneven, and student organisations that are affiliated with the Chinese Communist Party have an unequal share of power. In addition, we found that students’ cadre experience is highly appreciated in student cadre elections, and being a student cadre significantly affects their political trust and party membership during college.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (7) ◽  
pp. 707-714
Author(s):  
Patrick Präg

Aim: Subjective appraisals of socio-economic status (SES) are robustly associated with health outcomes, even when controlling for objective SES. Is this because objective SES is not accounted for in a sufficiently exhaustive way? Methods: I pool eight waves of nationally representative survey data from Germany (German General Social Survey, 2004–18, N=13,557) to assess the association between two separate subjective appraisals of SES (a 10-point scale and subjectively chosen social class membership) and poor self-rated health using logit and linear probability models. I account for an exhaustive range of objective SES variables, including respondents’ household incomes and social status, as well as occupational status, social class and education of respondents and of their partners, fathers and mothers. Results: The association between subjective SES and poor self-rated health remains stable, even when accounting for a wide range of objective SES markers. This is true for both subjective SES measured on a 10-point scale and as a subjective class identification. Conclusions: Even when controlling for a large number of objective SES markers, subjective SES and self-rated health are linked, suggesting that subjective assessments of SES are meaningful measures of SES which form a distinct pathway to health.


2012 ◽  
Vol 04 (01) ◽  
pp. 104-113
Author(s):  
Lance L. P. GORE

An increasing number of top executives of China's giant state-owned enterprises (SOEs) have become provincial leaders through a scheme of cadre grooming by rotating their positions. Overall, SOE executives constitute a valuable pool of human resources from which the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) can draw upon to promote local economic development. These CEO-turned provincial leaders inject fresh blood into the CCP's cadre corps but they also provide the bridge for state intervention in the marketplace.


Significance The goal is to ensure that Hong Kong’s formal political institutions are controlled by ‘patriots’ (meaning people who support the Chinese Communist Party) and end the obstruction (or threatened obstruction) seen in the city’s politics over the past decade. Impacts Beijing has lost faith in the current establishment, and is perhaps hoping for new, more competent pro-Beijing leaders to emerge. Hong Kong’s government may pursue a more active, interventionist economic policy to address cost-of-living issues. The next legislative elections, already postponed by a year to September 2021, may be postponed further. The reforms imply less tolerance of politicians who accept Hong Kong’s place within the Chinese state but favour political change in China.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ling Zhu ◽  
Tony Tam

Communist Party membership is often associated with higher incomes in socialist regimes because it is an important credential for obtaining state-sector jobs and cadre positions. During the first two decades of marketization in China, the income returns to Communist Party membership (the party premium) clearly persisted. However, recent studies have documented an insignificant party premium in post-2000 China. Considering the persistent role of the state in resource allocation, this phenomenon is puzzling and lacks clear interpretation. Drawing on the knowledge of collider conditioning, we hypothesize that this phenomenon stems from a negative ability bias generated by conditioning on endogenous job positions. Using the China General Social Survey 2008, we re-examine the post-2000 party premiums. The results support this hypothesis and demonstrate that this negative ability bias overwhelms the usual positive ability bias and any residual party premiums. Party premiums persist after 2000 and are reflected in positions where the negative ability bias is less influential.


1974 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 249-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Byung-joon Ahn

Since her traditional empire collapsed China has experimented with many political institutions. After the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) imposed a revolutionary one-party regime, the pattern of political order has shifted from one form to another. Intra-Party conflicts preceded these shifts, of which the Cultural Revolution represented the culmination. But in the aftermath of the Cultural Revolution another shift is taking place, so it too has raised a series of important questions about Chinese politics.


Asian Survey ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Gorman

This article explores the relationship between netizens and the Chinese Communist Party by investigating examples of “flesh searches” targeting corrupt officials. Case studies link the initiative of netizens and the reaction of the Chinese state to the pattern of management of social space in contemporary China.


Author(s):  
A. James McAdams

This book is a sweeping history of one of the most significant political institutions of the modern world. The communist party was a revolutionary idea long before its supporters came to power. The book argues that the rise and fall of communism can be understood only by taking into account the origins and evolution of this compelling idea. It shows how the leaders of parties in countries as diverse as the Soviet Union, China, Germany, Yugoslavia, Cuba, and North Korea adapted the original ideas of revolutionaries like Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin to profoundly different social and cultural settings. The book is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand world communism and the captivating idea that gave it life.


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