scholarly journals Changes in Parents’ Domestic Labor During the COVID-19 Pandemic

Author(s):  
Daniel L. Carlson ◽  
Richard Petts ◽  
Joanna R. Pepin

Stay-at-home orders and the removal of care and domestic supports brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic substantially disrupted parents’ work and family lives. This study leverages this exogenous event to test key theoretical explanations of couples’ divisions of domestic labor. Using novel data from 1,025 partnered, different-sex US parents, our analysis shows an overall increase in domestic responsibilities for mothers, who were already doing most of the household labor, as well as an increase in fathers’ contributions. Driven by increases in fathers’ time spent on housework and childcare, we find that both mothers and fathers report a general shift toward more egalitarian divisions of household labor. Consistent with a time availability perspective, the findings indicate the relevance of increased time at home —due to unemployment, reduced work hours, and telecommuting— as a fundamental factor underlying change in parents’ division of domestic responsibilities.

2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 102-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terri L. Entricht ◽  
Jennifer L. Hughes ◽  
Holly A. Geldhauser

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Femmy M. Bijnsdorp ◽  
Bregje D. Onwuteaka-Philipsen ◽  
Cécile R.L. Boot ◽  
Allard J. van der Beek ◽  
Hanna T. Klop ◽  
...  

Abstract Background Population ageing, an emphasis on home-based care of palliative patients and policies aimed at prolonging participation in the labour market are placing a growing demand on working family caregivers. This study aimed to provide insight into experiences with combining paid work and family care for patients at the end of life, factors facilitating and hindering this combination, and support needs. Method Semi-structured interviews were held between July 2018 and July 2019 with 18 working family caregivers of patients with a life-threatening illness who were living at home. Transcripts were analysed following the principles of thematic analysis. Results Some family caregivers could combine paid work and family care successfully, while this combination was burdensome for others. Family caregivers generally experienced a similar process in which four domains — caregiver characteristics, the care situation, the work situation and the context — influenced their experiences, feelings and needs regarding either the combination of paid work and care or the care situation in itself. In turn, experiences, feelings and needs sometimes affected health and wellbeing, or prompted caregivers to take actions or strategies to improve the situation. Changes in health and wellbeing could affect the situation in the four domains. Good health, flexibility and support at work, support from healthcare professionals and sharing care tasks were important in helping balance work and care responsibilities. Some caregivers felt ‘sandwiched’ between work and care and reported physical or mental health complaints. Conclusions Experiences with combining paid work and family care at the end of life are diverse and depend on several factors. If too many factors are out of balance, family caregivers experience stress and this impacts their health and wellbeing. Family caregivers could be better supported in this by healthcare professionals, employers and local authorities.


Social Forces ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 1103-1119 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Silver ◽  
F. Goldscheider

Author(s):  
Donald D. Davis ◽  
Katherine A. Selgrade ◽  
Debra A. Major

Information technology (IT) work is often distributed geographically through practices such as teleworking. Telework lends itself well to IT workers because they work easily with information technology, which is required for telework, and because many IT jobs consist of knowledge work—the creation and analysis of symbols and ideas—which may be done anywhere and anytime. Advances in information technology make distributed work possible. Globalization and the need for organization flexibility make distributed work necessary (Davis, 1995). Organizations distribute work to take advantage of scarce and inexpensive talent, enhance innovation and product design, and to reduce real estate costs, development time, and labor costs. Workers choose distributed work to balance work and life demands, reduce commuting time, accommodate disabilities, and take advantage of distant opportunities. Telework, a form of distributed work first described by Nilles (1975), has established itself throughout the United States. We discuss telework trends and provide some data describing teleworkers in IT professions in the United States. Four forms of telework are commonly used (see Key Terms; Bailey & Kurland, 2002; Kurland & Bailey, 1999). Most teleworkers use a combination of these forms, although home-based telework is most prevalent (Davis & Polonko, 2001). Each form of telework is practiced for different reasons and produces different work experiences and outcomes (Bailey & Kurland, 2002; Davis & Polonko, 2003; Helling, 2000). A national survey of telework practices in the United States was conducted in 2001 under sponsorship of the International Telework Association and Council (ITAC) and AT&T (Davis & Polonko, 2001). The sample was stratified to represent all U.S. households and was diverse with respect to gender, ethnicity, occupation, organization size, and industry. Results showed that there are approximately twenty-eight million teleworkers in the U.S. Compared to nonteleworkers, teleworkers are significantly more likely to be from the Northeast and West, male (54% of teleworkers), have higher education and income, work in professional/managerial occupations, work in industries such as construction, professional/scientific/technical services, health care/social assistance, and work in very small and very large organizations. There were no significant differences in telework practice for marital status, race/ethnicity, and age. Davis and Polonko (2001) report several findings concerning telework and its impact on ability to balance work and family demands that are relevant to IT professionals. Teleworkers, especially those who work at home, are more likely than nonteleworkers to report working longer hours and that the demands of their personal life take time away from their work. They also report more difficulty relaxing at home when doing non-work related activities. However, teleworkers are also more likely to state that their family members and friends report less unhappiness with the amount of time they spend working at home, report that their home life is less likely to prevent them from working the amount of time they want to work at home, and that working at home interferes less with other activities in their personal life. These differences suggest that teleworkers may be better able to manage the time they spend working at home compared to nonteleworkers. While teleworkers may experience some personal costs, such as difficulty relaxing, they experience significant benefits compared to nonteleworkers in terms of less interference between work and family roles. Women may particularly benefit from telework because they are often responsible for childcare. Research examining women teleworkers shows mixed benefits. Women teleworkers may experience less stress because they have more control over their time, do less commuting, experience fewer distractions, and are available to their families during the day (Kraut, 1988; Olson & Primps, 1984). On the other hand, women teleworkers may also experience greater stress due to reduced separation between work and family obligations resulting from bringing the workplace into the home (Olson & Primps, 1984). All teleworkers report working more hours (Davis & Polonko, 2001; Mirchandani, 1998). Men and women adapt differently to work at home. For example, the time saved by reduced commuting gets used differently; women tend to use this time to do household chores, whereas men use this time to do more job-related work (Steward, 2000). Both men and women maintain a separation between work and family, but they do so for different reasons. Mirchandani (1999) reports that most women state that they separate work and family to reduce the stress of simultaneously attending to work and family obligations, whereas no men report such reasoning. She adds, “For women, the home is not a place of nonwork, but rather another workplace” (p. 92). Women teleworkers, especially those with children, may experience more difficulty in balancing work and family life than men (and women without children). Yet women claim to choose to telework as a means for balancing work and family obligations (Beasley, Lomo-David, & Seubert, 2001).


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolina Mathiolli ◽  
Cristina Maria Garcia de Lima Parada ◽  
Rosangela Aparecida Pimenta Ferrari ◽  
Adriana Valongo Zani

ABSTRACT Objective: to apprehend the paternal experiences related to the care provided to the preterm child at home by comparing the parents participating or not in the care protocol. Method: a qualitative research, conducted from July to October 2017, with 24 parents of preterm infants after discharge from a teaching hospital in the state of Paraná, Brazil, who participated or not in a care protocol during the period of hospitalization. The analysis was performed through the Collective Subject Discourse. Results: the parents who had the opportunity to participate in the protocol at the hospital reported that this care was important so that they could help their partners with their children at home. However, the parents participating or not in the protocol realize that the mother has a greater bond because of the possibility of greater time availability and because they are the nursing mothers and refer to work as a barrier to child care. Conclusion: the parents participating in the protocol report that it had a positive impact on their child care at home, in contrast, non-participating parents reported that having been included or not in the protocol did not interfere with their conduct at home. However, both groups agree that cultural factors and work are barriers to child care.


2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (8) ◽  
pp. 723-729 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jianghong Li ◽  
Till Kaiser ◽  
Matthias Pollmann-Schult ◽  
Lyndall Strazdins

BackgroundMost existing studies on maternal employment and childhood overweight/obesity are from the USA. They are predominantly cross-sectional and show a consistent linear association between the two. Less is known about the joint impact of fathers’ and mothers’ work hours on childhood overweight and obesity.ObjectivesTo examine the impact of maternal and paternal work hours on overweight/obesity among children aged 1–6 years in Germany using longitudinal data.MethodsChild body weight and height and their parents’ work hours were collected for 2413 children at ages 0–1, ages 2–3 and ages 5–6. Overweight and obesity was defined using the body mass index percentiles based on the Cole LMS-Method. Random effects model was conducted, adjusting for demographic, socioeconomic and health characteristics of parents and children.ResultsCompared with non-employment, when mothers worked 35 or more hours per week, the risk for child overweight and obesity increased among preschool children. When fathers worked 55 or more hours per week, this effect was strengthened and maternal part-time hours (24–34 per week) also became a risk for child overweight and obesity. The effect was mainly found in high-income families.ConclusionsBoth mothers’ and fathers’ long work hours matter to young children’s overweight status. Employment protection and work time regulation for both working parents during the first 6 years of the child’s life should be considered in future policy.


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