ON THE POST-SOCIALIST PATH OF DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS AND THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA

2021 ◽  
pp. 269-289
Author(s):  
Anna Dyrina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Bilateral Trade ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Federal States ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Trading Partners ◽  
The Republic ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
The Eu

The article examines the current state of affairs in Belarus and Serbia - two countries that previously were parts of the socialist federal states, but currently belong to the regions of Eastern Europe and the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe, respectively. The first part of the article is devoted to Belarusian-Serbian relations. Political cooperation is developing at the presidential, governmental and parliamentary levels, and interaction is also carried out at the level of various departments, regions and cities. For Serbia, the support from Belarus on the international scene is important, in particular, in the issue of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia. The second part of the article is devoted to Serbia’s relations with the EU and the countries of the Adriatic Euroregion. On December 22, 2009 Serbia applied for EU membership. Despite the significant progress in the negotiations, Serbia has not yet become one of the EU member states. The third part of the article analyzes relations between Belarus and its neighbors, as well as cooperation with the EU. The European Union is the second most important market for Belarusian exports (after Russia). The main trading partners of Belarus among European countries, based on the indicators of bilateral trade in 2019, are Germany, Poland, Great Britain, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Italy, Turkey, Latvia, France, Belgium, and the Czech Republic. The article concludes on the state and prospects of Belarusian-Serbian relations, cooperation of Belarus and Serbia with the EU and neighboring countries, and gives a description of the political systems and foreign policy of Belarus and Serbia.

scholarly journals THE RESURGENCE OF NATIONALISM: THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA

2020 ◽  
pp. 39-42
Author(s):  
Sergey Asaturov ◽  
Andrei Martynov
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Balkan States ◽  
The Eu

The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia's defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a "Greater Serbia" led to the country's territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the European Union must finally close the "Balkan window" of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. For more than three decades, the EU has been pursuing a policy of human rights, the rule of law, democracy and economic development in the Balkans. The region remains vulnerable to the influences of non-European geopolitical powers: the United States, Russia, Turkey, and China. The further scenario of the great Balkan geopolitical game mainly depends on the pro-European national consolidation of the Balkan peoples and the effectiveness of the European Union's strategy in the Balkans.

scholarly journals The cultural constituent of the European Soft Power in the Republic of Kazakhstan

2020 ◽  
Vol 132 (3) ◽  
pp. 103-113
Author(s):  
A.Zh. Seitkhamit ◽  
◽  
S.M. Nurdavletova
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Cultural Diplomacy ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Eu

The European Union dynamically exercises various forms and methods of the Soft Power in its foreign policy. The article reviews its main principles and characteristics as well as conceptual basics. As an example, the article considers the European cultural diplomacy in the Republic of Kazakhstan as a method of soft power. The authors pay an attention specific actions of the European cultural diplomacy in Kazakhstan as well as the mechanisms of its implementation. Apart from that, cultural soft power of two European countries – France and Germany – are considered as separate actions of the EU member states in the sphere of culture. Finally, it assesses importance of Kazakhstan for the EU and effectiveness of such policy in this country.

scholarly journals THE EU COMMISSION'S PROPOSAL TO REVISE THE BRUSSELS IIa REGULATION: SHORTCOMINGS OF THE “OVERRIDING RULE”

TEME ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 901
Author(s):  
Sanja Marjanovic
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Private International Law ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Best Interest ◽  
Member States ◽  
Child Abduction ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Eu

As the procedure for the revision of the Brussels IIa Regulation is currently pending in the European Union, this paper focuses on the two issues which are correlated through the so-called “overriding rule” mechanism. The first problem concerns the proceeding on the return of the wrongfully removed or retained child involving two EU Member States – the State of refuge and the State where the child was habitually resident immediately before the abduction. The second one tackles the proceeding, currently regulated in the Brussels IIa, on the rights of custody (parental responsibility) when the return of the child was refused in the EU State on the grounds of Art. 13 of the Hague Child Abduction Convention. The proposals for the revision of the Brussels IIa Regulation heavily involve these issues. In that respect, the author indicates certain shortcomings and inconsistencies of the amendments proposed by the European Commission in the Proposal to Revise the Brussels IIa Regulation (2016) and the latest compromise solutions suggested by the Presidency to the Council in the General Approach to the Recast of Brussels IIa (2018). At the same time, the paper suggests two possible ways in which the balance between the principle of mutual trust between the EU Member States and the principle of the child's best interest could be better balanced. From the perspective of Private International Law of the Republic of Serbia, the revision of the Brussels IIa Regulation is important in view of Serbia’s candidate status for EU membership and the need to keep an eye on changes to the secondary EU legislation.

scholarly journals The 23rd Language: Official EU Status for Irish as Portrayed in the Republic of Ireland's English-Language Press

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-183
Author(s):  
Antony Hoyte-West
Keyword(s):  
English Language ◽  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
Official Language ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Unique Case ◽  
Limited Success ◽  
British Rule ◽  
The Republic ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
The Eu

Irish became the 23rd official language of the European Union (EU) in 2007. Due to a lack of qualified translators and interpreters, it is currently subject to a derogation which restricts its use in the EU institutions, a situation which aims to be remedied by 2022. Yet the Irish language represents a unique case even within the Republic of Ireland itself. Under British rule, centuries of repression confined its usage to the rural fringes of society, a state of affairs that an independent Ireland has attempted to improve with limited success. This article analyses how recognition of official EU status for Irish has been depicted in the Republic of Ireland’s English-language print media. By performing a qualitative content analysis of the online archives of the country’s three major English-language newspapers, the aim is to illustrate how official EU status for Irish has been portrayed, paying specific attention to political, cultural and economic factors.

scholarly journals Are the EU Member States Ready for the New Union Customs Code: Emerging Legal Issues On the National Level

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-75
Author(s):  
Gediminas Valantiejus
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
International Trade ◽  
National Level ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Eu

AbstractIn 2016, the European Union has launched a new and ambitious project for the future regulation of international trade in the European Union and the rules of its taxation: since the 1 May 2016, the new Union Customs Code (UCC) has entered into force. It revokes the old Community Customs Code (CCC), which was applied since 1992, and passed in the form of EU regulation sets brand-new rules for the application of Common Customs Tariff and calculation of customs duties (tariffs) in all the EU Member States. It is oriented to the creation of the paperless environment for the formalisation of international trade operations (full electronic declaration of customs procedures) and ensuring of a more uniform administration of customs duties in the tax and customs authorities of the Member States in the European Union. Therefore, the article raises and seeks to answer the problematic question whether the Member States of the European Union themselves are ready to implement these ambitious goals and does the actual practice of the Member States support that (considering the practice of the Republic of Lithuania). The research, which is based on the analysis of case law in the Republic of Lithuania (case study of recent tax disputes between the taxpayers and customs authorities that arose immediately before and after the entry into force of the UCC), leads to the conclusion that many problematic areas that may negatively impact the functioning of the new Customs Code remain and must be improved, including an adoption of new legislative solutions.

THE PROBLEM OF THE EU INTEGRATION OF THE BALKAN COUNTRIES AND THE EU ENLARGEMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF THE VALUE MODEL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

2021 ◽  
pp. 176-193
Author(s):  
Svetlana Knyazeva
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Eu Enlargement ◽  
Value Orientations ◽  
Individual Member ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Balkan Countries ◽  
The Eu

The article examines a wide range of the problems associated with the boundless enlargement of the European Union which makes it possible to place the Balkans in the context of general European development. To become a member of the EU is the important goal of the post-socialist countries of the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe. Bulgaria, Romania, and the post-Yugoslavian states of Slovenia and Croatia became full members of the EU. Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Albania are still at different stages of integration into the European community. This accession is the logical completion of the processes of social, political, economic and legal transformation of the Balkan countries, in which they themselves and the European Union as a whole and its individual member states are interested for reasons of geopolitics and geoeconomics. However, the accession to Europe (or the return to Europe) of the Balkan states with their authoritarian and socialist past includes not only the reform of the economic, political and legal systems, but also a change in value orientations. While in the states of the so-called «founding fathers» of the EU a Western European corporate civic identity is being formed, in the countries of the former Eastern Europe and the Balkan region, ethnic identity remains remains largely in the mainstream of public consciousness. The author examines axiological, ideological and psychological aspects of the accession of post-socialist countries to the EU, and also analyzes specific foreign policy problems associated with this process and the role of regional international organizations in the «europeanization» of the Balkans and in the settlement of ethnic and interstate conflicts in the region that still remain acute. Negative tendencies, first of all - the strengthening of populist sentiments and the coming to power of politicians reflecting these sentiments, pose challenges and threats not only to the European Union, but also to Russia.

Promotion de la démocratie dans les Balkans: L'efficacité inégale de la conditionnalité et des incitatifs

2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 803-825 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane Éthier
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Stability Pact ◽  
South Eastern Europe ◽  
Organisations Internationales ◽  
The Stability ◽  
The Eu

Résumé.Certains travaux indiquent qu'en matière de promotion de la démocratie, la conditionnalité des élargissements de l'Union européenne (UE) vers l'Europe du Sud et de l'Est s'est avérée plus efficace que les incitatifs employés par diverses organisations internationales. Cet article confirme la validité de ce constat en démontrant que, dans les Balkans, la conditionnalité du Processus de stabilisation et d'association de l'UE a eu des retentissements plus marqués que les incitatifs du Pacte de stabilité pour l'Europe du Sud-Est. En outre, à l'aide des théories des relations internationales, l'article analyse les fondements de l'efficacité de la conditionnalité de l'UE et les raisons pour lesquelles celle-ci a néanmoins des effets inégaux d'un pays à l'autre.Abstract.Various works indicate that, in the matter of democracy promotion, the conditionality of the European Union (EU) enlargements towards Southern and Eastern Europe has proved to be more effective than incentives of many international organizations. This article confirms the validity of this finding. It shows that, in the Balkans, the conditionality of the EU Stabilization and Association Process has had more significative impacts than the incentives of the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe. Furthermore, with the help of international relations theories, it explains the determinants of the EU conditionality efficiency and the reasons why its effects nevertheless vary from one target state to another.

The Empirical Evidence of the EU–Russia Failed Strategic Partnership: Did it have a Positive Impact on Bilateral Trade?

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Anna Garashchuk ◽  
Fernando Isla Castillo ◽  
Pablo Podadera Rivera
Keyword(s):  
Bilateral Trade ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
Trade Flow ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Main Challenge ◽  
Welfare Losses ◽  
Trading Partners ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
The Eu

Many observers were casting doubts about the existence of a strategic partnership between Russia and the European Union long before the annexation of Crimea and the subsequent strained relations between the two blocs. Nevertheless, the main challenge of this article is to prove that there was indeed a positive effect regarding the strategic partnership on bilateral trading – together with such factors as the growth of the Russian and EU GDPs per capita, the devaluation of the Russian currency and the oil price increase – by applying the Gravity Model. Based on this model, it was also confirmed that there was a negative effect of the geographical distance and sanctions between parties on the EU–Russia trade flow. Moreover, we tried to predict by means of the Error Correction Models how EU–Russia bilateral trade would have changed according to a scenario wherein the parties continued being strategic partners, and had the sanctions not been imposed. As such, and by the method described, not only was it empirically confirmed that the major partners would have received the most benefit from the strategic partnership with Russia but even Russia’s smaller trading partners are incurring significant welfare losses from sanctions, along with Russia itself.

scholarly journals EUFOR CHAD/CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: POLITIZED MANDATE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND MILITARY MANAGEMENT OF THE DARFUR CRISIS

2021 ◽  
pp. 35-53
Author(s):  
JOVANKA KUVEKALOVIĆ-STAMATOVIĆ ◽  
VANJA GLIŠIN
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Central African Republic ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Conflict Solution ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

From the moment of its establishment, EUFOR Chad/Central African Republic was a specific military operation, not only from the perspective of the European Union, but the host countries as well. Mutual skepticism emerged already in the first phase of the decision-making process, when the preliminary assessments of its success and implementation were quite pessimistic. The lack of agreement among the EU Member States regarding conducting an intervention conditioned additional efforts of France, as the main initiator, to fulfil its ambitions through the decisions of Common Security and Defense Policy, thus securing its strategic position on the African continent. Equally pronounced critical blade in Chad was also covered up, having in mind that the inevitable fragmentation of ideas was avoided through a one-sided decision passed by the current political leadership. The other specificity is reflected in the fact that, based on numerous parameters, EUFOR Chad/CAR operation was assessed as the biggest intervention of the European Union conducted so far. Despite operative, logistical and financial difficulties that postponed implementation of the mandate, the operation was concluded on March 15, 2009. The logical question emerging regarding the previously stated characteristics is whether they impacted the defining of the mandate, the dynamics of its implementation and the final result of EUFOR Chad/CAR operation? The basic assumption which is the starting point for the authors of this paper states that the pronounced specificities echoed in the form of politization of the mandate and the military management of the Darfur crisis as direct motives of the operation. The lack of political mechanisms supporting the military action in conflict solution concurrently contributed to militarization of crisis management of the EU. The affirmative argument of the previously expressed statements is the impact of permanent shortages to the consistency and effectiveness of the results of EUFOR. An additional insight is expressed in the consent of the host country, the Republic of Chad, which was, in this concrete case, driven by strategic interests and strengthening of the authoritarian rule.

scholarly journals Znaczenie wymiany bilateralnej w handlu zagranicznym produktami rolno-spożywczymi UE i USA

2017 ◽  
Vol 17(32) (2) ◽  
pp. 199-210
Author(s):  
Karolina Pawlak
Keyword(s):  
Bilateral Trade ◽  
Free Trade Area ◽  
Food Products ◽  
Agricultural Trade ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Trade Area ◽  
The Us ◽  
Trading Partners ◽  
American Agriculture ◽  
The Eu

The aim of the paper was to assess the importance of the bilateral turnover to the EU and the US foreign trade in agri-food products in 2001-2016, as well as to define the possibilities of its development after signing the TTIP Agreement. The research is based on the data from the ComExt Database in the resources of the Statistical Office of the European Union (Eurostat) and the USDA Foreign Agricultural Service's Global Agricultural Trade System. It was proved that in 2001-2016 the EU and the US were important trade partners for each other, but the value of bilateral trade in agri-food products remained relatively small, largely due to low complementarity of the Polish and American agriculture and the resulting minor demand for agricultural products from the temperate zone in the US. These products are made in the US, usually at a lower cost, and they are the export surplus of this country. The way to intensify the EU-US bilateral trade may be to develop a transatlantic free trade area, resulting in a strong effect of trade creation between the TTIP parties, with a limited impact on the relationship with other trading partners.

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