On the Evolution of the Northwest Coast Indian Communities (A Soviet-American Discussion and Its Sequel)

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (51) ◽  
pp. 141-172
Author(s):  
Igor V. Kuznetsov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Northwest Coast ◽  
Franz Boas ◽  
Class Theory ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Public Campaign ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right ◽  
High Degree

The article is devoted to the discussion among Soviet and U.S. scholars about the social organization of the Indians of the Northwest Coast of North America. In the classic textbooks on “primitive history”, the Indians of this region—the Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian and Kwakwaka’wakw (Kwakiutl)—are mentioned as examples of a high degree of social differentiation based on a (fishing and maritime) foraging economy and even as instances of pre-state structures. The proposed concepts were, to varying degrees, determined by external factors: personal political views, high-profile events, or government pressure. In 1897, Franz Boas recognized the potlatch ceremony—demonstrative exchanges of gifts and destructions of surplus, a practice exotic to Europeans—as an analogue of a credit operation. This interpretation, not empirically substantiated, originated from a public campaign to legalize potlatch. In the 1930s, Julia Averkieva, a Soviet intern of Boas, interpreted some fragments of her mentor’s teaching through the Marxist class theory framework, shifting the emphasis from potlatch to slavery: the Northwest Indians allegedly began the transition to slavery from a classless system in which the potlatch was an instrument for preserving property equality. Averkieva’s interpretation became canonical in the USSR, whilst also finding some reception outside the socialist camp. In the United States, relativistic cultural interpretations dominated; domestic evolutionary Marxist models were marginal and were not rooted in the Soviet tradition. However, after the collapse of the USSR, they also became part of the research mainstream, being criticized not only from the right, but also from the left—from anarchist viewpoints.

scholarly journals Political Humour in the Social Network Sites

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 70
Author(s):  
Ayşe Aslı Sezgin
Keyword(s):  
Social Network ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Social Network Sites ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Social ◽  
Shared Social Values ◽  
The Arab Spring

“Social network sites” first began to be used as new tools of political communication during the 2008 Presidential Election in the United States, and their importance became even more apparent during the Arab Spring. In the course of this, the social network sites became a new and widely discussed channel of communication. In addition to its ability to bring together people from different parts of the world by removing any time and space barriers, creates a virtual network that allows individuals with shared social values to take action in an organized manner. Furthermore, this novel, versatile and multi-faceted tool of political communication has also provided a new mean for observing various aspects of social reactions to political events. Instead of voters expressing their political views through their votes from one election to the other, we nowadays have voters who actively take part in political processes by instantly demonstrating their reactions and by directly communicating their criticisms online.

In The Face of Financialization: Cities and the Human Right to Adequate Housing

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-130
Author(s):  
Kaara Martinez
Keyword(s):  
Affordable Housing ◽  
The United States ◽  
Human Right ◽  
Social Good ◽  
Cultural Rights ◽  
European Court ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Face ◽  
Full Sense ◽  
The Right

The right to housing is a human right with broad but frequently overlooked implications, particularly in the urban environment. This difficulty is heightened in the context of what is known as the “financialization of housing”. Financialization involves the interconnections between global financial markets and housing, and, at the extreme, has prompted a climate in which housing is conceived less as a social good and more as a commodity. The result of the financialization turn is cities with a severe lack of affordable housing, a reality that is now a global phenomenon. This naturally leads to economic exclusions and displacements from cities, but, on a deeper level, also entails major collective consequences for the social and cultural fabric. Financialization thus threatens the right to housing in cities, particularly when the right is examined and understood in its full sense. And yet, cities have a duty to ensure the right to housing even in the face of financialization. Drawing on the jurisprudence of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights through its individual communications procedure, the European Court of Human Rights, and domestic cases from South Africa and the United States, this paper aims to elucidate this duty of cities in the realm of housing. A substantive rather than purely procedural shape of protection for the right to housing is pushed, which deliberates the connections between housing and the wider societal context, and the implicated concerns of resources, property, and urban community. In present times, our appreciation of home as a necessary nexus of safety, comfort, and productivity has come to the fore, as have our fears around economic insecurity, forcing us to confront and closely interrogate the right to housing.

Benign Discrimination and the Right to Equality

1974 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gareth Evans
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
Preferential Treatment ◽  
Apparent Paradox ◽  
Supreme Courts ◽  
Formal Expression ◽  
Gareth Evans ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right

Governments have been increasingly preoccupied with the task of reconciling claims to preferential treatment with the principle of equality. The social and philosophical issues raised by this apparent paradox are considered, and the compatibility of benign discrimination with the concept of equality demonstrated by developing a complex normative notion of equality. An analysis is then undertaken of the various attempts made by lawyers, in nearly one hundred existing bills of rights, to give formal expression to these principles. Ultimately the problem of benign discrimination falls for resolution by the courts, and the jurisprudence developed in this respect by the Supreme Courts of Canada and the United States is critically discussed and compared. Having exhaustively developed an appreciation of world experience regarding the interaction of bills of rights equality clauses and benign discrimination, consideration is given to the formulation of the Australian Human Rights Bill—a bill of which Gareth Evans was one of the principal draftsmen.

scholarly journals The Magical Theory of Politics

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 15-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Egil Asprem
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
Social Fabric ◽  
The Social ◽  
Collective Effervescence ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Resource ◽  
Charismatic Authority ◽  
The Right

The election of the 45th president of the United States set in motion a hidden war in the world of the occult. From the meme-filled underworld of alt-right-dominated imageboards to a widely publicized “binding spell” against Trump and his supporters, the social and ideological divides ripping the American social fabric apart are mirrored by witches, magicians, and other esotericists fighting each other with magical means. This article identifies key currents and developments and attempts to make sense of the wider phenomenon of why and how the occult becomes a political resource. The focus is on the alt-right’s emerging online esoteric religion, the increasingly enchanted notion of “meme magic,” and the open confrontation between different magical paradigms that has ensued since Trump’s election in 2016. It brings attention to the competing views of magical efficacy that have emerged as material and political stakes increase, and theorizes the religionizing tendency of segments of the alt-right online as a partly spontaneous and partially deliberate attempt to create “collective effervescence” and galvanize a movement around a charismatic authority. Special focus is given to the ways in which the politicized magic of both the left and the right produce “affect networks” that motivate political behaviors through the mobilization of (mostly aversive) emotions.

Social and Political Views among Current and Former Mormons

2019 ◽  
pp. 169-188
Author(s):  
Jana Riess
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Nuclear Family ◽  
Age Effect ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Latter Day Saints ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Social ◽  
Outright Rejection ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Church

This chapter discusses the social and political views among current and former Mormons. Since World War II, Mormons have been recognized for their conservative moral values, staunch patriotism, and commitment to the nuclear family. Those core values are still very much present with older generations of Latter-day Saints, though one sees political dilution among millennials who remain active in the Church; the Next Mormons Survey (NMS) finds that millennial Mormons are more conservative than their non-Mormon millennial peers but more progressive than their Mormon elders. Whether Mormon millennials will veer to the right as they age is unclear; there may be an age effect associated with political views, since conventional wisdom dictates that people tend to become at least slightly more conservative as they grow older. Meanwhile, in the former Mormon population, rather than a dilution of the conservative political agenda, one sees an outright rejection of many parts of it.

scholarly journals COMMUNITY PERSPECTIVES ON SPECIAL NEEDS CHILDREN

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Lee Swee Poh ◽  
Mohd Mahzan Awang ◽  
Shahlan Surat
Keyword(s):  
Special Needs ◽  
Local Community ◽  
Past Research ◽  
The United States ◽  
Labeling Theory ◽  
Special Needs Children ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right ◽  
Positive Support

This paper discusses about the perspectives of the local community, family, school and peers on special needs children (or disabled children) schooling under the Special Education Integrated Programme in Bintulu District Education Office, Sarawak, Malaysia. This discussion is done based on the resources of past research conducted in Malaysia as well as overseas such as in the United States, Britain, Italy, and India. Labeling theory and theories of perception are reviewed engaging the social conflicts. Totally 88 respondents from Chinese community had been taken to answer the questionnaire. In general, there is a handful optimistic views that special needs children have their own talent, they are the special gift from God, they can distinguish good or bad things, have influences and roles to play. In addition, community feels sympathy with them, the community likes mingling with them and believe they can make hands activities very well. Due to the environmental impact on the development of individual and social skills of special needs child, the study suggested that Malaysians continue to hold to the principles to provide safe and quality education to special needs children. Efforts need to continue to foster a healthier community awareness and positive support on special needs children so that a gap of discrimination can be reduced because every individual has the right to obtain social development and quality of education.

scholarly journals Discourse analysis on the news of femicide in print media: Turkey-America sampleYazılı basında çıkan kadın cinayeti haberleri üzerine söylem çözümlemesi: Türkiye-Amerika örneği

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 665
Author(s):  
Hanife Nalan Genç ◽  
Duygu Aydemir
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Social Life ◽  
The United States ◽  
English Summary ◽  
Gender Perception ◽  
Analysis Technique ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Way

Murder which means that someone knowingly or willingly kills another person is a serious act. The punishment of this crime is a life imprisonment or execution. Although there are many reasons for the murder, the main reason to make this action for man or woman is the reason for that murder. A person with a tendency to commit homicide can head for the powerless and weaker ones, especially considering their own safety. This impulse of violence which is inherent in human being shows tendency to the domineeringness of the strong onto the weak. In recent years, violence incidents reaching to the murder of women has aggravated the size of traumas in social life even more. At the written and oral press, the news and the way of their presentation explicitly reflect the most important indispensable element of human rights, namely the right of life to be taken away from women, especially in social life. Violence and killing incidents against women are indicators of how both genders are reflected on life as a consequence of gender perception and they indicate the meaning of the social life style and order in terms of men and women. In this study, which aims to evaluate the news of femicide in the way they are reflected in the written press in Turkey and the United States, especially the way in which news on femicide events was given has been evaluated. For this purpose, in the newspapers of both countries, traces of a gendered perspective were searched by discourse analysis technique. In this way, two countries were compared and solutions were offered to the problems of women in the media. In this context, two similar events and e-newspapers from both countries were tried to be selected and resolved. This analysis takes into account similarities in the manner in which these murders were committed and in the presentation of news, such as the choice of e-newspapers.Extended English summary is in the end of Full Text PDF (TURKISH) file. ÖzetBir kimsenin bir başka kişiyi bilerek ya da isteyerek öldürmesi anlamına gelen cinayet ağır bir eylemdir. Bu suçun cezası müebbet hapis ya da idamdır. Cinayetin pek çok sebebi olmakla birlikte erkek ya da kadını bu edimi yapmaya iten temel sebep o cinayetin gerekçesidir. Cinayet işleme eğilimindeki kişi başta kendi güvenliğini düşünerek, kendisinden daha güçsüz ve zayıf olana yönelebilmektedir. İnsanın doğasında olan bu şiddet dürtüsü güçlünün güçsüzü ezmesi yönünde eğilim göstermektedir. Son yıllarda kadına yönelik şiddet olayları kadın cinayetlerine kadar dayanarak toplumsal yaşamda travmaların boyutunu daha da ağırlaştırmıştır. Yazılı ve sözlü basında yer alan bu haberler ve veriliş biçimleri insan haklarının en vazgeçilmez öğesi olan yaşam hakkının kadının elinden alınmasının özellikle toplumsal yaşamda yansımalarını açık biçimde sergilemektedir. Kadına yönelik şiddet ve öldürme olayları gerek toplumsal yaşam biçimi ve düzeninin erkek ve kadın açısından anlamını belirtmesi, gerekse her iki cinsin toplumsal cinsiyet algısının bir sonucu olarak yaşama nasıl yansıdığının göstergesidir. Kadın cinayeti haberlerinin Türkiye ve Amerika’da yani iki farklı toplumda yazılı basına yansıdığı biçimiyle değerlendirmesine yönelik olan bu çalışmada özellikle kadın cinayeti haberlerinin veriliş biçimi değerlendirilmiştir. Bu amaçla çalışmada her iki ülkenin gazetelerinde söylem çözümlemesi tekniğiyle cinsiyetçi bakış açısının izleri aranmış, bu yolla iki ülke karşılaştırılmış ve medyada kadın sorununa çözümler sunulmaya gayret edilmiştir. Bu bağlamda her iki ülkeden iki benzer olay ve e-gazete seçilip çözümlenmeye çalışılmıştır. Bu çözümlemede e-gazetelerin seçimi gibi bu cinayetin işleniş biçimi ve haberlerinin verilişlerindeki benzerlikler dikkate alınmıştır.

scholarly journals Mapping Work in Early Twentieth-Century Montreal: A Rabbi, a Neighbourhood, and a Community

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Anne Poutanen ◽  
Jason Gilliland
Keyword(s):  
Social Mobility ◽  
Social Geography ◽  
The United States ◽  
Immigrant Community ◽  
Jewish Immigrant ◽  
Economic Independence ◽  
Jewish Communities ◽  
Immigrant Settlement ◽  
The Social ◽  
High Degree

Rabbi Simon Glazer’s 1909 daily journal provides a window onto his role as an orthodox rabbi of a largely Yiddish-speaking immigrant community, his interactions with Jewish newcomers, the range of tasks he performed to augment the inadequate stipends he received from a consortium of five city synagogues where he was chief rabbi, and the ways in which Jewish newcomers sought to become economically independent. Using a multidisciplinary methodology, including Historical Geographic Information Systems (HGIS), Glazer’s journal offers a new lens through which to view and map the social geography of this community. Our study contributes to a growing body of literature on immigrant settlement, which has shown that such clustering encouraged economic independence and social mobility.  Characterized by a high degree of diversity in ethnicity and commerce, the St. Lawrence Boulevard corridor was an ideal location for Jewish newcomers to set down roots. We argue that the community served as a springboard for social mobility and that Simon Glazer played an important role at a critical moment in its early development.  It was on its way to becoming one of Canada’s most significant Jewish communities.  Over the eleven years that he worked in Montreal (1907–18), Glazer carved out a vital place for himself in the city’s Jewish immigrant community and honed skills that would serve him well when he returned to the United States.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Goodier ◽  
Karen Pastorello
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York State ◽  
The United States ◽  
Woman Suffrage ◽  
Jefferson County ◽  
York State ◽  
The Social ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Turmoil

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the woman suffrage movement in New York. Across the seven decades between 1846, when a few Jefferson County women publicly claimed the right to vote, and the passage of the New York State referendum in 1917, thousands of women—and some resolute men—engaged in the irrepressible fight for woman suffrage. The movement crossed class, race, ethnic, gender, and religious boundaries during periods of great upheaval in the United States. At the same time, the movement itself caused social and political turmoil. Three generations of New York State women fought a complicated, sometimes frustrating, but ultimately rewarding battle to obtain the right to vote. In the process, women opened for themselves new opportunities in the social and political spheres.

“Farewell, Saigon, I Promise I Will Return”

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phuong Tran Nguyen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Social Work ◽  
The United States ◽  
Vietnamese Americans ◽  
Boat People ◽  
Open Sea ◽  
The Social ◽  
Cast Doubt ◽  
The Right

This chapter’s subtitle focuses on the social work performed by artists, journalists, and activists, who, during the late 1970s, comforted grieving souls through the construction of a refugee cultural identity and community, specifically as the true patriots whose flight from communism and testimony later on revealed what really happened after 1975. Beginning with the boat people exodus in the late 1970s, worldwide public opinion, which had vilified the South Vietnamese as losers of the war and obstacles to revolution, began to view the winners of the postwar. Their willingness to risk their lives on the open sea cast doubt on Hanoi’s revolutionary promises, and, through bipartisan support for the plight of the boat people, enabled the United States and Vietnamese Americans to cast themselves on the right side of history in ways never possible during the war itself.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document