scholarly journals Responses to the Covid-19: A Political Economic Analysis

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 72-82
Author(s):  
Ratna Mani Nepal

The Covid-19 pandemic posed serious threats to the national and international communities. Worldwide responses to combat its effects seemed weak and controversial. It led individual countries to exercise responses that varied depending upon their tradition, institutions, and leadership. What worked? And what did not? And why is still not comprehended. In this background, this study examines correlation between market economy frameworks such as liberal market economies (LMEs), coordinated market economies (CMEs), state-led market economies (SMEs)and Covid-19 caused deaths. More so, the death cases have been analyzed and interpreted based on published data from worldometer.com as well as national and institutional sources of 23 countries representing three distinct market economy frameworks. The data is juxtaposed with the acts of right-wing populism that determined decision making and institutional mobilization against Covid-19. The approach is dichotomized with a country's human development index and income inequality index (Gini Index). This study found that a country’s market economy framework has had a correlation with the Covid-19 caused deaths The impact, however, was associated with the acts of right-wing populism within different market economies. The 5 selected countries with LMEs have highest; another 5 selected countries with CMEs have higher and 13 selected countries with SMEs have lowest number of deaths. The findings also proves that rate of human development does not appear to be a valid framework for explaining differing death rates between the countries.

2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 711-730 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Destradi ◽  
Johannes Plagemann

AbstractAs populists have formed governments all over the world, it becomes imperative to study the consequences of the rise of populism for International Relations. Yet, systematic academic analyses of the international impact of populist government formation are still missing, and political commentators tend to draw conclusions from few cases of right-wing populism in the Global North. But populism – conceptualised as a ‘thin’ ideology based on anti-elitism and anti-pluralism – takes different shapes across world regions as populists combine it with different ‘thick’ ideologies. To reflect such diversity and gain more systematic insights into the global implications of populism, we focus on cases of populist government formation in the Global South. We find that populists in power are not, per se, more belligerent or less willing to engage globally than their non-populist predecessors. Factors like status seeking or a country's embeddedness in international institutions mitigate the impact of populism. Its most immediate effect concerns procedural aspects: foreign policymaking becomes more centralised and personalised – yet, not entirely unpredictable, given the importance of ‘thick’ ideologies espoused by populist parties and leaders. Rather than changing course entirely, populists in power reinforce existing trends, especially a tendency towards diversifying international partnerships.


Politics ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Lees

This article charts the rise of the ‘Alternative for Germany’ ( Alternative für Deutschland or AfD) from its inception in late 2012 to its unexpectedly strong performance in the 2017 Federal election. In terms of the ‘inward’ aspect of Euroscepticism, the article considers the impact of the emergence of successively more hardline leaderships in 2015 and 2017, which led to a shift beyond opposition to aspects of the European integration process to a more profound critique of German society and politics. In terms of the ‘outward’ aspect, it assesses the significance of these developments in the wider debates around Euroscepticism and populism. The article concludes that the AfD’s Euroscepticism is now nested within an ideological profile that increasingly conforms to the template of an orthodox European right-wing populist party. It argues that the widely unanticipated level of electoral support for the AfD in the 2017 Federal elections and its status as the main opposition party in the Bundestag is a systemic shock and potential critical juncture in the development of the German party system and the contestation of European integration in the Federal Republic.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Tobias Böhmelt

Abstract This article examines the impact of populism on environmental politics, focusing on countries’ outcome-level performance. I develop the argument that populist leadership likely undermines environmental quality. First, populist leaders tend to reject and refrain from implementing “green” policies, as these are usually promoted by “corrupt elites.” Second, populism erodes democratic institutions, thus offsetting a series of mechanisms that are related to better environmental outcomes. Empirically, I combine data from the Global Populism Database covering sixty-six countries and more than two hundred executive leaders with information on environmental performance at the outcome level. The findings suggest that populist leadership is strongly linked to lower environmental performance—also when controlling for a series of alternative influences and distinguishing between left- and right-wing populism. This research greatly adds to our understanding of the determinants of environmental policies, the role of regime type and ideology, and the literature on populism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Deepak Chaudhary

The governance now became a buzzword in political economy. It contributes to accelerating the overall development including human development and its role in making effective delivery of social and public services are crucial. This paper analyzes the relationship between governance and human development based on published data, document and theories. The concept of governance and human development emerged after 1980. The proper function of governance in terms of political, economic and administrative can create sound development. Rule of Law, participation, public accountability and responsiveness, transparency, equity and inclusion, efficiency, and decentralization are a key institutional framework for democratic or good governance. These principles are structured to performing well for the assigned goals and objectives, transparent decisions, focusing on the organization's purpose and outcomes, capacity building, and managing and mitigating risks factors. If there is enough authority, capacity, economic resource, and good governance, human development can easily be achieved. Therefore, the linkage between governance and human development is inevitable.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 99-132
Author(s):  
E. V. Khakhalkina ◽  
K. P. Andreev ◽  
A. V. Munko

The European Union undergoes several qualitative transformations. Today it faces major demographic changes, the distance between the EU and national states is growing because of Brexit and high rates of immigration to Europe. The configuration of mainstream parties is also transforming in an unpredictable way. All these processes bring the phenomenon of right-wing populism to the forefront of political life of the European Union. This phenomenon was an answer both to internal andexternal challenges. The aim of the article is to identify the components of right-wing populism using the examples of some memberstates, to show its threats and risks, as well as ways to minimize the impact of this phenomenon on all aspects of the EU life. To achieve this goal, party programs (primarily right-wing populist ones), national and European elections data, materials from the Eurobarometer and other public opinion services, speeches and interviews of leading politicians, and other materials are used. The methodological approach is based on the principles of interdisciplinarity. The authors used comparative-typological, functional and structural methods. The problems of immigration and Islamophobia in the EU are explained with the help of the civilizational concept of A.J. Toynbee. The structure of the article provides the study of the phenomenon of right-wing populism through such indicators as separation of elites from the population (including European democracy and lack of democracy), immigration (and Islamophobia), as well as the EU identity. The article provides a detailed analysis of the member- state cases including the United Kingdom, Austria, Germany, Italy, France, Sweden, the countries of Eastern Europe and others. The authors conclude that right-wing populism has dual nature, its significance in individual countries of the European Union increases, and it is deeply integrated into the party and parliamentary mechanism of European democracies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-36
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Kamińska-Korolczuk

The impact of hate speech contained in the statements of the Alternative for Germany party representatives on changes taking place in the media management system in Germany The purpose of the article is to present the introduced legal solutions regulating the functioning and management of the media system in Germany, which came into force under the influence of changes in political communication. A case study is presented examples of hate speech in the discourse of the party of the new right-wing populism –Alternative for Germany (Alternative fur Deutschland, AfD). The party uses rhetoric which until now has been marginal in the German media and since the refugee crisis it has become an increasingly common form of expression. The analysis was conducted against the backdrop of events that influenced the Bundestags to adopted Law improving law enforcement in social networks (Gesetz zur Verbesserung der Rechtsdurchsetzung in sozialen Netzwerken, Netzwerkdurchsetzungsgesetz, NetzDG). The analysis leads to the conclusions that the new right-wing populism changed the style of communication on the German political scene, which is not without influence on the decisions making by the legislator to introduce specific legal provisions regulating the management and framework of discourse in the social media in this state.


Author(s):  
Bill Fletcher ◽  
José Alejandro La Luz

This chapter argues that the core problem is not ideology or corporate self-interest but rather the rise of a right-wing populism that feeds on racism and xenophobia. When workers suffer from stagnating or declining incomes, loss of benefits and pensions, declining health and health care coverage, and increased job insecurity, the right gives them an answer: blame black people, Latinxs, immigrants, Jews, or Muslims; blame the media elites, academics, or experts, not your employer; embrace the rich in the hope that someday you can be one of them; and condemn powerless people as the cause of your problems. The chapter describes how populism draws its energy from a racist, sexist, and xenophobic framing of the impact of the economic crisis on working-class Americans while also rejecting the postwar global order in favor of a return to American isolationism. It laments the Left's failure to offer plausible solutions and to create lasting solidarity across gender, race, ethnicity, and sexuality. This chapter explains that no revival of labor will be possible without engaging union members about race, gender, immigration, and the true nature of right-wing populism.


Author(s):  
Aleksa Filipović

The last two decades have seen the rise of right-wing parties in Europe, spurred among other things by a series of crises, the latest of which being the ongoing COVID-19 global pandemic. Finland, Sweden, Norway and Denmark did not find themselves isolated from the political and socio-economic shocks and aftershocks of such events, and right-wing populist parties and movements belonging to the Nordic region have also gained strength, sometimes even being a part of governments. However, these parties have certain characteristics that distinguish them from their counterparts in the rest of the Europe, given the specific social, political, economic and historical context of the region. Such traits can be listed as welfare chauvinism, right-wing egalitarianism, authoritarian positions on sociocultural issues, and populist, anti-establishment drive. At the same time, these parties have demonstrated their high pragmatism and ability for adaptation to the current political situation in their countries. In this work a quick overview is presented of the principles of four major right-wing parties in the Nordic region (The Finns Party, Sweden Democrats, Norwegian Progress Party, and Danish People’s Party), and the differences and similarities in their motivations are discussed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001139212110157
Author(s):  
Sang Hun Lim

Radical right-wing politics is often regarded as a populist movement for social protection against economic globalisation. As a solution, contemporary Polanyian critics often suggest reforming left parties to reorient populist movements from the right to the left by building a broad non-capitalist coalition. Through a close reading of Polanyi’s works, this article offers an alternative diagnosis and prescription for preventing radical right-wing empowerment. Polanyi explains that fascists gained political power through support from capitalist elites. Political democratisation threatened the separation of the market from politics, and the war and depression resulted in the dysfunction of the market economy. In this situation, capitalist elites chose fascism – a radical measure to protect capitalism by destroying democracy. This article argues that, in order to prevent radical right-wing empowerment, we should look up, to the capitalist economy and the ruling classes, rather than only down, to welfare chauvinism and the ‘people’.


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