scholarly journals The Influence of the National Political Scene on the Behavior of Local Politicians and Voters in Polish Local Elections in 2018

2019 ◽  
pp. 5-21
Author(s):  
Joanna Kozierska

Polish local elections in 2018, many months before their commencement, became one of the main elements of the political discourse. Due to the specificity of the electoral calendar, for the first time since the parliamentary and presidential elections in 2015, voters had to assess the actions taken by the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) in the electoral act. Of course, this could only happen indirectly, precisely through local  elections, which due to their specificity, are not able to fully reflect the balance of powers that operates on the national arena. However, also in this way voters could refer to national events. Expressing support for them by voting on PiS, or by showing negations of their actions by voting for groups remaining in opposition. The aim of the paper is to check whether, in the perception of voters, events on the national political arena determine the behavior of two types of participants in local elections: local politicians  and voters.

2021 ◽  
pp. 63-84
Author(s):  
Piotr Chrobak

Western Pomerania was said to be called as a stronghold of the left, for the Democratic Left Alliance both in the 1990s and at the beginning of the 21st century achieved some of the best results in the country. Only after the parliamentary and presidential elections in 2005 and the local government elections in 2006, the electoral preferences changed towards the center of the political scene. The Civic Platform of the Republic of Poland turned out to be the change, Law and Justice to a lesser extent. The article presents a political analysis of the voting preferences of the inhabitants of West Pomerania in the local government elections with regard to the three mentioned parties. The aim of the research was to analyze the direction in which the electorate goes. It was checked whether the SLD was permanently eliminated and how strong the dominance of the PO was. Furthermore it was examined whether PiS is a real threat to the PO RP and whether the SLD has a chance to regain its lost position. It seems that regardless of the attempts made, the position of the SLD after the 2006 elections is stable and there are no indications that the Alliance could dominate the analyzed region again. However, in spite of the fact that since 2006 the PO enjoys high support, since 2014 PiS has been achieving better and better results, depriving the PO RP hegemon in its position in 2006–2014.


1991 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 466-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Belkacem Iratni ◽  
Mohand Salah Tahi

THERE ARE SOME DATES AND EVENTS WHICH REMAIN engraved in the collective memory of a people. In Algeria these are: 1 November 1954, which sparked the eight-year long War of Liberation; 5 July 1962, which witnessed the end of French rule over the country after 130 years of colonial settlement; and 12 June 1990, which signalled the withering away of the monopoly of power exercised by the ruling party - the National Liberation Front (FLN) - following the holding of the first ever free and competitive local elections in the history of independent Algeria. No doubt, on 12 June 1990 the Constitution of 23 February 1989, which fundamentally transformed the political and social system of Algeria, achieved its most spectacular application. These elections aimed at the renewal of seats in the Councils of both APC: Assemblées Populaires Communales (constituencies), and APW: Assemblées Populaires de Wilayat (provinces). For the first time, Algerians were offered the freedom to choose their representatives from among lists of candidates sponsored by several newly-legalized parties alongside the FLN, and for the first time, the FLN tasted defeat.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 299
Author(s):  
Patricio Dugnani

Nesse artigo vamos analisar a questão do medo, e o uso político do medo, comparando dois casos dessa utilização da estratégia do medo no discurso político da mídia televisiva, os quais foram efetuados em dois momentos diferentes, nas campanhas eleitorais das eleições presidenciais de 2002 e 2014. Além disso, busca-se relacionar o discurso do medo na mídia, às condições de incertezas, a busca do prazer, o consumo e o individualismo instauradas na pós-modernidade. A partir de uma análise crítica das condições sociais, pretende-se investigar como o medo, potencializado pela mídia, é capaz de produzir um efeito de alienação capaz de criar um discurso que acaba se repetindo mecanicamente, reproduzindo ações e ampliando conceitos artificiais introduzidos socialmente, produzindo, mesmo, a proliferação de preconceitos, discursos fáceis e estereotipados. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Comunicação, Medo, Política, Mídia, Sociedade de Consumo ABSTRACTIn this article we will examine the issue of fear, and the political use of fear, comparing two cases of such use of the strategy of fear in the political discourse of the television media, which were carried out in two different moments, in the election campaigns of the presidential elections of 2002 and 2014. In addition, we seek to relate the speech of fear in the media, the conditions of uncertainty, the pursuit of pleasure, consumption and individualism brought in post-modernity. From a critical analysis of social conditions, it is intended to investigate how fear, potentiated by the media, is capable of producing an effect of alienation that can create a speech that ends up repeating themselves mechanically, reproducing and extending artificial concepts introduced actions socially, producing even the proliferation of prejudices, easy and stereotyped discourses. KEYS WORDS: Communication, Fear, Politics, Media, Postmodernism, Consumer society  ResumenEn este artículo examinaremos la cuestión de miedo y el uso político del miedo, comparación de dos casos de uso de la estrategia del miedo en el discurso político de los medios de televisión, que se llevaron a cabo en dos momentos diferentes, en las campañas electorales de las elecciones presidenciales de 2002 y 2014. Además, buscamos relacionar el discurso del miedo en los medios de comunicación, las condiciones de incertidumbre, la búsqueda de placer y el individualismo en la postmodernidad. Desde un análisis crítico de las condiciones sociales, el objetivo es investigar cómo miedo, potenciada por los medios de comunicación, es capaz de producir un efecto de alienación que puede crear un discurso que termina repitiendo mecánicamente, reproducción y el aumento de conceptos artificiales introdujeron acciones socialmente, produciendo incluso la proliferación de prejuicios y estereotipos de discursos. Palabras clave: comunicación, miedo, política, medios de comunicación, sociedad de consumo. Disponível em:Url:http://opendepot.org/2781/Abrir em (para melhor visualização em dispositivos móveis - Formato Flipbooks):Issuu / Calameo 


1970 ◽  
pp. 2
Author(s):  
Nawaf Kabbara

The Lebanese parliamentary election was a very decisive moment in the country’s history. As a result of this election, a new parliamentary majority and discourse dominated the political scene. The election was also peculiar concerning the disability cause in Lebanon. For the first time in the history of Lebanon’s elections, disability became an issue. In fact, the Lebanese disability movement succeeded in launching two different but complementary campaigns during the election. The first one was engineered by both the Lebanese Physical Handicapped Union and the Youth Blind Association. Under the title “Haqqi” or “My Right,” the campaign focused on the right of people with disability to practice one of their most important rights: the political right to vote.


2019 ◽  
pp. 235-241
Author(s):  
Nina Yatsenko

The article deals with the semantic-functional analysis of socio-political lexicon of L.M. Kravchuk. The most relevant thematic groups of vocabulary are highlighted, his role as an upgrader of the Ukrainian political thought of the late XX century is stressed, which ensures the active formation and functioning of national political discourse. The purpose of the article is to analyze the political vocabulary of L.M. Kravchuk the first president of Ukraine during the period of independence. The material for analysis is selected from his speeches, interviews, press conferences, briefings (Leonid Kravchuk’s publication (There is such a state – Ukraine, published in Kyiv in 1992). The vocabulary analysis is conducted for the first time. In the political discourse of L.M. Kravchuk on the basis of structural and semantic analysis of the language of his journalism, we distinguish the following thematic groups: names of bodies of state power: names of political governmental forms, arrangements, currents; names of political parties, associations, meetings, social groups; names of political and historical processes; names of documents, laws, resolutions; names of ethnic communities; names of socio-economic processes, concepts, monetary units; names of direct policy subjects; names of diplomatic concepts; names of parties’ supporters; names of individual subjects of any activity; names of individual activities; the names of the moral and ideological sphere of public life. It is shown that semantic and evaluative lexemas’ dynamic is shown by their syntagmatic relations, including connectivity. Examples of extensions of linear text connections of a word in Kravchuk’s discourse are adjectives. Public Speeches of the First President of Ukraine L.M. Kravchuk convincingly reveals the individuality of his style, including the use of synonymous means. Journalism created by L.M. Kravchuk is rich in idiomatic phrasal phrases and terminological persistent phrases. Phraseological and terminological units under consideration perform an important intensification role, in particular, act as expressive markers of his political thought.


1989 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 1-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nükhet Sirman

In May 1987, about 3000 women marched through the streets of Istanbul to protest against the battering of women in the home. This was not the first time that women in Turkey had taken to the streets, but it certainly was the first time that they had voiced demands specific to their conditions of existence as women in Turkish society. As stated by one of the speakers at the rally marking the end of the march, women were not marching for their nation, their class, nor for their husbands, brothers and sons, but for themselves. I take this march and events following it to signal a new form in which the position of women in Turkish society is being articulated within the political terrain of Turkey. This new visibility of women in Turkish political discourse has many links to strands of thought that can be broadly called ‘feminist’ and as such provides a fruitful arena for the investigation of the forms this ideological current takes in Third World countries.


2002 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 639-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena Gapova

“Liberal democracy, in truth, is the political arrangement under which capital thrives best.” Slavoj Zizek“It's the economy, stupid!” (Slogan on the wall of Bill Clinton's headquarters during his presidential campaign in 1992).On 9 September 2001 presidential elections were held in Belarus for the first time since Alexandar Lukashenka became the president in 1994. To remain in power for seven years instead of the four for which he had been elected, he changed the constitution. Held in an undemocratic manner, with falsification of voting results, repression of political opponents, and blocking access to most media for opposition candidates, the 2001 elections became the acme of the confrontation between the authoritarian executive power and the opposition, labeled either democratic or nationalist, depending on one's perspective. The voting situation and how Westernized urban intelligentsia perceived it can best be illustrated by the following submission to the Slavic and East European Languages and Literatures electronic bulletin board. The message was sent by a list subscriber from Minsk (reproduced exactly as it appeared, the sender's name omitted):


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 277
Author(s):  
Michele Kapp Trevisan ◽  
Eduardo Biscayno De Prá ◽  
Mariana Fagundes Goethel

Nesse artigo vamos analisar a questão do medo, e o uso político do medo, comparando dois casos dessa utilização da estratégia do medo no discurso político da mídia televisiva, os quais foram efetuados em dois momentos diferentes, nas campanhas eleitorais das eleições presidenciais de 2002 e 2014. Além disso, busca-se relacionar o discurso do medo na mídia, às condições de incertezas, a busca do prazer, o consumo e o individualismo instauradas na pós-modernidade. A partir de uma análise crítica das condições sociais, pretende-se investigar como o medo, potencializado pela mídia, é capaz de produzir um efeito de alienação capaz de criar um discurso que acaba se repetindo mecanicamente, reproduzindo ações e ampliando conceitos artificiais introduzidos socialmente, produzindo, mesmo, a proliferação de preconceitos, discursos fáceis e estereotipados. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Comunicação, Medo, Política, Mídia, Sociedade de Consumo ABSTRACTIn this article we will examine the issue of fear, and the political use of fear, comparing two cases of such use of the strategy of fear in the political discourse of the television media, which were carried out in two different moments, in the election campaigns of the presidential elections of 2002 and 2014. In addition, we seek to relate the speech of fear in the media, the conditions of uncertainty, the pursuit of pleasure, consumption and individualism brought in post-modernity. From a critical analysis of social conditions, it is intended to investigate how fear, potentiated by the media, is capable of producing an effect of alienation that can create a speech that ends up repeating themselves mechanically, reproducing and extending artificial concepts introduced actions socially, producing even the proliferation of prejudices, easy and stereotyped discourses. KEYSWORDS: Communication, Fear, Politics, Media, Postmodernism, Consumer society  ResumenEn este artículo examinaremos la cuestión de miedo y el uso político del miedo, comparación de dos casos de uso de la estrategia del miedo en el discurso político de los medios de televisión, que se llevaron a cabo en dos momentos diferentes, en las campañas electorales de las elecciones presidenciales de 2002 y 2014. Además, buscamos relacionar el discurso del miedo en los medios de comunicación, las condiciones de incertidumbre, la búsqueda de placer y el individualismo en la postmodernidad. Desde un análisis crítico de las condiciones sociales, el objetivo es investigar cómo miedo, potenciada por los medios de comunicación, es capaz de producir un efecto de alienación que puede crear un discurso que termina repitiendo mecánicamente, reproducción y el aumento de conceptos artificiales introdujeron acciones socialmente, produciendo incluso la proliferación de prejuicios y estereotipos de discursos. Palabras clave: comunicación, miedo, política, medios de comunicación, sociedad de consumo. Disponível em:Url:http://opendepot.org/2780/ Abrir em (para melhor visualização em dispositivos móveis - Formato Flipbooks):Issuu / Calameo


Populasi ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dias Pradadimara

The city of Makassar, once named Ujung Pandang, in South Sulawesi, underwent tremendous transformation in the 20th century. This transformation significantly changed the image of the city from a cosmopolitan town to a provincial and “ethnic” city. This article shows that the changes of the city’s image did not happen by itself. There were changing structural conditions, namely demographic and political conditions, which allowed the changes to happen.Since early 20th century the population of the city has grown exponentially. First, in-migrants from the surrounding regions in the eastern part of Indonesia flocked into the city until early 1950s. Second, due to the rebellion and unrest in the countryside of South Sulawesi since 1950 inmigrants, mostly refugees, from Bugis-speaking areas in even larger number swarmed Makassar. Parallel with the demographical changes, the political scene in the city (and the province) was increasingly dominated by politicians and bureaucrats of South-Sulawesi origins. The Permesta rebellion in late-1950s triggered the departure of mostly non-South Sulawesi politicians away from the region leaving the political stage fully in the hands of local politicians. The “ethnic-ization” of the city was made possible by these demographical and political changes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Erwin Kartinawati ◽  
Andrik Purwasito

The Indonesian Presidential Elections of 2014 and 2019 indicated the behavioral changes in mass media, especially that of private television. The involvement of media owners in the political arena can influence the content of most journalistic broadcasts. Therefore, this study aims to determine the perception of student voters in Surakarta on media houses with political preferences. This might be because the media owner is actively supporting a political party or a particular candidate. Furthermore, if the media is under the influence of politics, how can voters have trust in the information dissipated, especially during elections. The data obtained for this study was through the distribution of questionnaires to college students aged 17-25 years that are voting for the first time. Most of the respondents stated that their political choices are not necessarily influenced by the media. The belief in the media is not directly related to political preferences but depends on the content or what is conveyed to the public. However, the involvement of media owners in politics also undermines public trust in the content of the media, especially about political news.


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