Political Lexicon in L.M. Kravchuk’s Language and Thought

2019 ◽  
pp. 235-241
Author(s):  
Nina Yatsenko

The article deals with the semantic-functional analysis of socio-political lexicon of L.M. Kravchuk. The most relevant thematic groups of vocabulary are highlighted, his role as an upgrader of the Ukrainian political thought of the late XX century is stressed, which ensures the active formation and functioning of national political discourse. The purpose of the article is to analyze the political vocabulary of L.M. Kravchuk the first president of Ukraine during the period of independence. The material for analysis is selected from his speeches, interviews, press conferences, briefings (Leonid Kravchuk’s publication (There is such a state – Ukraine, published in Kyiv in 1992). The vocabulary analysis is conducted for the first time. In the political discourse of L.M. Kravchuk on the basis of structural and semantic analysis of the language of his journalism, we distinguish the following thematic groups: names of bodies of state power: names of political governmental forms, arrangements, currents; names of political parties, associations, meetings, social groups; names of political and historical processes; names of documents, laws, resolutions; names of ethnic communities; names of socio-economic processes, concepts, monetary units; names of direct policy subjects; names of diplomatic concepts; names of parties’ supporters; names of individual subjects of any activity; names of individual activities; the names of the moral and ideological sphere of public life. It is shown that semantic and evaluative lexemas’ dynamic is shown by their syntagmatic relations, including connectivity. Examples of extensions of linear text connections of a word in Kravchuk’s discourse are adjectives. Public Speeches of the First President of Ukraine L.M. Kravchuk convincingly reveals the individuality of his style, including the use of synonymous means. Journalism created by L.M. Kravchuk is rich in idiomatic phrasal phrases and terminological persistent phrases. Phraseological and terminological units under consideration perform an important intensification role, in particular, act as expressive markers of his political thought.

2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-150
Author(s):  
Matthew Leigh

This paper studies examples of how exponents of Roman declamation could insert into arguments on the trivial, even fantastic, cases known as controuersiae statements of striking relevance to the political culture of the triumviral and early imperial period. This is particularly apparent in the Controuersiae of Seneca the Elder but some traces remain in the Minor Declamations attributed to Quintilian. The boundaries separating Rome itself from the declamatory city referred to by modern scholars as Sophistopolis are significantly blurred even in those instances where the exercise does not turn on a specific event from Roman history, and there is much to be gained from how the declaimers deploy Roman historical examples. Some of the most sophisticated instances of mediated political comment exploit the employment of universalizing sententiae, which have considerable bite when they are related to contemporary Roman discourse and experience. The declamation schools are a forum for thinking through the implications of the transformation of the Roman state and deserve a place within any history of Roman political thought.


Author(s):  
Simon J. G. Burton

Samuel Rutherford’s Lex Rex remains a source of perennial fascination for historians of political thought. Written in 1644 in the heat of the Civil Wars it constitutes an intellectual and theological justification of the entire Covenanting movement and a landmark in the development of Protestant political theory. Rutherford’s argument in the Lex Rex was deeply indebted to scholastic and Conciliarist sources, and this chapter examines the way he deployed these, especially the political philosophy of John Mair and Jacques Almain, in order to construct a covenantal model of kingship undergirded by an interwoven framework of individual and communal rights. In doing so it shows the ongoing influence of the Conciliarist tradition on Scottish political discourse and also highlights unexpected connections between Rutherford’s Covenanting and his Augustinian and Scotistic theology of grace and freedom.


2015 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Lake

AbstractThis paper uses two manuscript tracts to reconstruct the vision of the English polity underpinning Lord Burghley's interregnum proposals of 1584–85. These proposals famously prompted Patrick Collinson's work on “the monarchical republic of Elizabeth I,” which in turn became embroiled in subsequent attempts to recuperate distinctively “republican” strands of thought and feeling in sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century England. Written by two clients of central figures in the regime, the two texts are replies to a tract by John Leslie outlining Mary Stuart's claim to the English throne. This tract was republished in 1581 in Latin and then in 1584 in English as part of a Catholic propaganda offensive of the summer of 1584 to which, in turn, the Bond of Association and the interregnum scheme itself were responses. By comparing different versions of the two texts with one another and with Thomas Bilson's later printed tract,The true difference between Christian subjection and unchristian rebellion, something like the structuring assumptions, indeed the political thought, underlying the interregnum scheme can be recovered and analyzed and the republican nature of the monarchical republic assessed in detail for the first time.


1989 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 1-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nükhet Sirman

In May 1987, about 3000 women marched through the streets of Istanbul to protest against the battering of women in the home. This was not the first time that women in Turkey had taken to the streets, but it certainly was the first time that they had voiced demands specific to their conditions of existence as women in Turkish society. As stated by one of the speakers at the rally marking the end of the march, women were not marching for their nation, their class, nor for their husbands, brothers and sons, but for themselves. I take this march and events following it to signal a new form in which the position of women in Turkish society is being articulated within the political terrain of Turkey. This new visibility of women in Turkish political discourse has many links to strands of thought that can be broadly called ‘feminist’ and as such provides a fruitful arena for the investigation of the forms this ideological current takes in Third World countries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-36
Author(s):  
Syawaluddin Syawaluddin

This paper seeks to uncover the political thought and governmental concept of the Egyptian president, Muhammad Mursy, who was democratically elected for the first time, after the “Arab Spring”. Mursi is a members of the Muslim Brotherhood (IM) who was regarded as a forbidden party or an illegal mass organi- zation in Egypt before. This research based on literature research that seeks to collect the data related to the political thought and governmental concept of Muhammad Mursi as a members of the Muslim Brotherhood party, whether from the Internet or books that discuss about the phenomenon. This research found a num- ber of discoveries conducted by Mursi such as; the opening of a border gate in Gaza for Palestinians to enter Egypt, The vice-president’s from women and non-Muslims, restrict military gains in politics, and the others controversial decision.


1993 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-108
Author(s):  
Tony Judt

The last decade in France has seen an efflorescence of self-consciously liberal political thought. The reasons for this have been well-rehearsed elsewhere ; the discrediting of marxism, in practice and in theory ; the stabilisation and "pluralisation" of the political system ; rapid transformation of the economy and an accompanying interest in the American model. The latter enthusiasm has been echoed in the intellectual community by a new attention to works of political philosophy in the anglo-american tradition, many of which have recently been translated for the first time.


2014 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 317-339 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carimo Mohomed

In 1930, Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938) devised for the first time the creation of a separate state for the Indian Muslims, for whom, according to him, the main formative force through History had been Islam. Although predicated upon secular ideologies, the Pakistan movement was able to mobilize the masses only by appealing to Islam. Nationalism became dependent on Islam and, as a result, politicized the faith. A number of Muslim religious and communal organizations pointed to the importance of promoting Muslim nationalism, political consciousness and communal interests. As the creation of Pakistan became more and more likely, Abu'l 'Ala Mawdudi (1903-1979) increased his attacks on the Muslim League, objecting to the idea of Muslim nationalism because it would exclude Islam from India. The increasingly communal character of the Indian politics of the time, and the appeal made to religious symbols in the formulation of new political alliances and programmes by various Muslim groups as well as Muslim League leaders, created a climate in which Mawdudi's theological discourse found understanding and relevance. This paper, using especially the political thought of Muhammad Iqbal and Abu'l 'Ala Mawdudi, analyses how Islam was used to justify a separate state for the Indian Muslims, and the impacts on and challengesto the political process and its evolution, at the same time that it concludes that "Islam", as a political symbol, can have many forms according to the ideas previously held by those who use it.


2005 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 356-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Jackson

Social justice is a crucial ideal in contemporary political thought. Yet the concept of social justice is a recent addition to our political vocabulary, and comparatively little is known about its introduction into political debate or its early theoretical trajectory. Some important research has begun to address this issue, adding a valuable historical perspective to present-day controversies about the concept. This article uses this literature to examine two questions. First, how does the modern idea of social justice differ from previous conceptualisations of justice? Second, why and when did social justice first emerge into political discourse?


Author(s):  
Muhammad Iqbal

"Islamic State versus National State" was a heated political issue throughout the 1950s that created highly tense and dividing debates among Indonesia's political communities. President Soekarno, a leading proponent of National State, raised this issue for the first time in his speech in Amuntai on January 27th, 1953. The present paper contends that this speech was crucial for the political discourse contestations that followed between the religiously-neutral Nasionalist camp and the Islamic camp. The former argued against the latter's idea of building an Islamic state in Indonesia and proposed instead, a secular state that guarantees the right of its citizens to observe their religious teachings. The value of Soekarno's speech could be seen from reactions it generated from the supporters of Islamic State who called it a smear campaign and a doctrine dangerous to their struggle to erect an Islamic state in Indonesia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 80-89
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Skiperskikh ◽  

In the article, the author shows how the government and the opposition interact in the political process. Actors representing opposition constantly produce political texts illustrating their alternative views. The existence of the opposition subject in a critical state in regards to the existing institutions of power is historically predetermined, which proves an active reflection from prominent theorists of political thought. A free dialogue of the government and the opposition is hardly possible in every single political system. In the case of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes, this dialogue may be difficult. The consequences of free will for the subject of opposition can be quite severe. The author analyzes the political discourse of opposition as exemplified by the Soviet culture. The author is interested in the metaphors of opposition and their political context, which seems to be an inevitable condition and framework limiting creativity of one or another intellectual. The author studies a number of texts of the Soviet culture representatives, who used metaphors of opposition, and had a reputation of troublemakers. Such position of an intellectual generates sanctions of the repressive machine and predetermines very specific forms of presenting texts of opposition and apophasis. For convincing his own arguments, the author constantly turns to the heritage of the USSR representatives of unofficial culture in.


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