scholarly journals Syriza in power (2015-2019): A Review of Selected Aspects

2019 ◽  
pp. 5-26
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Lorencka ◽  
Giulia Aravantinou Leonidi
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
Weimar Germany ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
First Time

What are the consequences of Syriza coming to power in Greece in 2015? Did it become a new Weimar Germany for the future Europe? In this article we test the hypothesis that winning two consecutive parliamentary elections in 2015 and forming a government contributed to a farther institutionalisation of this party within the rules of Greek democracy. This article is based on data from the Greek Ministry of Interior and the website of the Greek parliament. This text aims at presenting the process of transformation of Syriza - a radical, left-wing, anti-establishment and anti-austerity party into a governmental entity, pro systemic and accepting the principle of the democratic state of law. All this was due to the establishing of the governmental coalition with ANEL, a nationalist party; social-economic reforms; the reform of the electoral system for parliamentary elections; the proposal of a constitutional reform and the ending of the nearly 30-year dispute with Macedonia. The electoral failure during the parliamentary elections on the 7th of July 2019 finishes a 4-year governance of Syriza and enables us to try to evaluate this experiment for the first time. A key finding of our investigation is the need to highlight the respect for the democratic rules by Syriza during its government and its further institutionalisation as one of the main groupings of the contemporary party system in Greece.

The Electoral System, the Party System and Accountability in Parliamentary Government

2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (3) ◽  
pp. 744-760 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTOPHER KAM ◽  
ANTHONY M. BERTELLI ◽  
ALEXANDER HELD
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Party System ◽  
Necessary Conditions ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Electoral Reform ◽  
Electoral Accountability ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Government

Electoral accountability requires that voters have the ability to constrain the incumbent government’s policy-making power. We express the necessary conditions for this claim as an accountability identity in which the electoral system and the party system interact to shape the accountability of parliamentary governments. Data from 400 parliamentary elections between 1948 and 2012 show that electoral accountability is contingent on the party system’s bipolarity, for example, with parties arrayed in two distinct blocs. Proportional electoral systems achieve accountability as well as majoritarian ones when bipolarity is strong but not when it is weak. This is because bipolarity decreases the number of connected coalitions that incumbent parties can join to preserve their policy-making power. Our results underscore the limitations that party systems place on electoral reform and the benefits that bipolarity offers for clarifying voters’ choices and intensifying electoral competition.

scholarly journals Political Process in Bulgaria: Failed Coalition and the Third Parliamentary Elections during One Year

2021 ◽  
pp. 28-49
Author(s):  
Vira Burdiak
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
The State ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Republic ◽  
European Standards ◽  
One Year

The article analyzes the political process in the Republic of Bulgaria and a number of elections to the National Assembly,which in 2021 were already in April, July and announced for November.The factors, which influenced the need to hold parliamentary elections three times in a row.This shows, that the state is going through a difficult period of instability and turbulence.Building a democratic state governed by the rule of law in Bulgaria,despite its membership in the EU, it is still in its infancy. The author emphasizes that the state is growing alienated from democratic political processes and despair of their effectiveness.This requires legal regulation of the following issues:ensuring universal suffrage;the possibility of campaigning and outreach among voters on others,in addition to the state (Bulgarian) languages,after all, large minorities live in Bulgaria (Turkish, Roma, etc.);improving the financing of election campaigning and the mechanism for appealing the results of parliamentary electionsbased on the transition from indirect to direct appeal by election participants to the NZB of their results. Solving the main problem of Bulgaria – reducing corruption,in fact, it did not happen.Positive success in the fight against corruption can be achieved with the support of the population,his belief that the state will be able to defeat corruption,clear enforcement of anti-corruption measures in various government agencies and institutions.The growth of political consciousness of citizens,which is expressed in a broad protest movement,in the medium term may become the internal basis for the formation of real,rather than a formal electoral system organized according to European standards.

scholarly journals Chavism and Criminal Policy in Venezuela, 1999-2014

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 164-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martha Lia Grajales ◽  
Maria Lucrecia Hernández
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Criminal Policy ◽  
Preventive Detention ◽  
Significant Shift ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Incarceration Rate ◽  
National Crisis ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Hugo Chavez

For a long time, the Venezuelan democracy was an exception in South America due to a party system that was based on what was known as the ‘Punto Fijo Pact’. At the start of the 1980s a series of economic, social and political events began to occur, which caused this ‘exceptionalism’ to stagger and disrupt the institutionality of the traditional Venezuelan democratic State. The events led to a deep national crisis and the birth of a new political era. By the end of the 1990s, there had been a significant shift towards left-wing governance. Hugo Chávez Frías subsequently won the presidential elections in 1998. This paper analyzes some aspects of the criminal policies that were implemented during the reign of left-wing leader Chávez till his death in 2013 and thereafter by Chavist party president elect, Nicolás Maduro during 2013-2014. Four stages can be identified in the behavior of incarceration rates. The first stage, from 1999 to 2000, was characterized by the lowest recordings of incarceration rates and the lowest measured percentage of preventive detention in Venezuela in thirty years. The second stage, from 2001 to 2005, saw a slight increase in the incarceration rate which then remained stable. The third stage, from 2006 to 2012, and the fourth stage, from 2013 to 2014, are characterized by sustained increases in preventive detention, incarceration and murder rates.

Effects of the Mixed Parallel Electoral System in Lithuania: The Worst of All Worlds?

2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 561-587 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mažvydas Jastramskis
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
High Volatility ◽  
Pessimistic Scenario ◽  
Election Results ◽  
New Democracy ◽  
Mixed Systems

Abstract This article analyses the political effects of the mixed parallel electoral system in Lithuania. According to the ‘best of both worlds’ logic, mixed systems could combine advantages from both the majoritarian and proportional formulas. However, counterarguments were also presented in the literature, pointing to the possibility of the ‘worst of both worlds’. According to presented analysis of Lithuanian parliamentary elections between 1992 and 2016, the pessimistic scenario is expected when a mixed parallel electoral system is used in a new democracy with a weakly institutionalised party system and high volatility. Lithuania’s mixed parallel system produces relatively disproportional election results. However, it also facilitates the fragmentation of party system. Moreover, the effects in a concrete election are hardly predictable, especially the seat bonus of election winner. Evidence in the article points to a conclusion that mixed parallel electoral systems could contribute to the ‘worst of all worlds’ and new democracies should avoid them.

Political Representation in Latin America

2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 388-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan P. Luna ◽  
Elizabeth J. Zechmeister
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Socioeconomic Development ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Subjective Perceptions ◽  
High Level ◽  
First Time ◽  
Leftist Parties

The authors combine elite and mass survey data to create indicators of representation for nine nations: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Mexico, and Uruguay. For the first time, a quantified measure of the extent to which political parties represent voters’ policy preferences in these countries is offered. The authors then examine the political, social, and economic correlates of representation. Consistent with extant literature and theory, they find that party system institutionalization and socioeconomic development are positively related to representation. On the other hand, drastic liberalization efforts seem to be associated with lower levels of representation. Furthermore, the authors find that leftist parties contribute to the representative structures of political systems. They also find that perceptions of fraud in an electoral system are correlated at a fairly high level with the indicator of representation: Citizens’ subjective perceptions of a system are consistent with its reality.

scholarly journals Do Multi-Party Municipal Councils Improve Local Governance? Municipal Councillors’ Opinions in El Salvador

2021 ◽  
pp. 1866802X2110155
Author(s):  
Abby Córdova ◽  
Annabella España-Nájera
Keyword(s):  
El Salvador ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Party System ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Numerical Representation ◽  
Party Members ◽  
First Time ◽  
Opposition Parties

As decentralisation reforms devolved greater responsibilities to local governments, improving local governance has become central to strengthening democracy. With the promise of increasing citizen representation and government transparency at the local level, in 2015 El Salvador implemented a new electoral system. The new system allowed for the election of opposition parties in municipal councils for the first time. In the context of El Salvador, we examine how opposition parties’ numerical representation influences the views of governing and opposition party members about multi-party councils’ effectiveness to improve local governance. To test our hypotheses, we rely on data from an original elite survey of 303 municipal councillors in 101 municipalities, which we complement with qualitative information. Contrary to what the literature suggests, we do not find evidence that a stronger opposition leads to more negative evaluations among members of governing parties, notwithstanding the country’s polarised party system.

scholarly journals Parliamentary Elections in Kazakhstan

2021 ◽  
pp. 110-120
Author(s):  
E. Ionova
Keyword(s):  
Electoral System ◽  
The Other ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Lower House ◽  
The Right ◽  
First Time ◽  
Ruling Party

Following the results of the regular elections to the Mazhilis in January 2021, the ruling Nur Otan party retained its leadership in the lower house of parliament. However, the other two parties, which broke the 7% barrier, strengthened their positions, gaining several new seats. A feature of the 2021 elections was that they were held taking into account a certain liberalization of the country's electoral system. In particular, the constitutional rights of the Mazhilis which received the right to approve the new government were expanded, the institution of parliamentary opposition was legislated, and a 30% quota for women and youth was introduced. In addition, the ruling party introduced the practice of primaries for the first time.

scholarly journals Nordic Pioneers: facing the first use of Internet Voting in the Åland Islands (Parliamentary Elections 2019)

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Krimmer ◽  
David Duenas-Cid ◽  
Iuliia Krivonosova ◽  
Radu Antonio Serrano ◽  
Marlon Freire ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Electoral System ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Working Paper ◽  
Internet Voting ◽  
Frame Work ◽  
Use Of Internet ◽  
First Time

The Åland Islands will use Internet Voting for the first time for expatriate voters at the next Parliamentary Elections, to be held in October 2019. This electoral modernization is a response to the need detected to introduce changes in order to better integrate expatriate voters and the younger generations into the electoral system, and represents a first step towards fully introducing i-Voting in future elections. This working paper provides a frame-work for the Ålandic electoral system for further analysis of the costs involved to introduce new voting channels following the CoDE Project methodology.

The Norwegian Electoral System and its Political Consequences

2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernt Aardal
Keyword(s):  
Geographical Distribution ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Complex Interplay ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Vested Interests ◽  
The One ◽  
The Ideal

The electoral system is an integral part of any representative democracy, and the choice of system is an important framework for individual behavior and party competition. An electoral system is a result of compromise between parties with vested interests in the system setup. However, no system satisfies all ideal claims. This article is an introduction to the electoral system used in parliamentary elections in Norway; it emphasizes the political consequences of vital elements such as the balance between provincial and compensatory seats, and the geographical distribution of seats and electoral formulae. In sum, the system introduced in 2003 is more proportional in terms of the parties’ share of seats compared with votes, and the geographical distribution has become more systematic and less skewed, although the ideal of one vote-one value has not been achieved. Both the present and previous electoral systems combine elements reflecting different principles and concerns such as increased proportionality, on the one hand, and the fear of a fragmented party system on the other. The analyses show a complex interplay between different parts of the system. One and the same system may have different effects depending on the balance between the parties and between electoral districts. Thus, in order to study the effect of changes in the electoral system one needs to use simulations based on election outcomes over time.

scholarly journals Change and continuity in Indian politics and the Indian party system

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 327-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rekha Diwakar
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
National Party ◽  
Indian Politics ◽  
Regional Parties ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Bharatiya Janata Party ◽  
First Time ◽  
Substantial Change

The 2014 Indian general election was notable due to a single party – the Bharatiya Janata Party – winning a majority of seats in Lok Sabha for the first time since 1984. The Congress, the other main national party, suffered its worst ever defeat. This election was viewed by some as signalling the advent of a phase of a BIP-dominated party system in India. In this article, I revisit the results of this election, and of the subsequent state assembly elections, to analyse if they signal a substantial change in the political landscape and party system in India. I argue that although the Congress decline has continued, and the BJP has won many recent state assembly elections, it is premature to conclude that the Indian party system has shifted to a BJP-dominated one. Further, given India’s first-past-the-post electoral system and a diffused political environment, where state and regional parties continue to be strong in many parts of the country, achieving a legislative majority remains a difficult proposition for a single party.

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