scholarly journals Christian Fundamentalists in the UK

2017 ◽  
pp. 118-147
Author(s):  
Sukhwant Dhaliwal ◽  
Sukhwant Dhaliwal

This article considers two streams of Christian Right mobilisation in the UK – the Christian Peoples Alliance and the Conservative Christian Fellowship – in the context of neoliberalism and resurgent communitarianism. The article notes their roles as moral swords of justice in challenging a lack of local democracy, the weight of multi-national corporations, racism and hostility towards migrants. Conversely this article also shows how that same morality underlines an assault on women’s reproductive rights and enables the perpetuation of Christian supremacy and anti-Muslim sentiment within the context of a national turn to communitarianism and a discourse about British values and cohesion. The article concludes by highlighting the conditions within which these Christian Right organisations garner political space and legitimacy, the registers they utilise to make their claims and the specific aspects of their interventions and ideology that make them fundamentalist formations. 

Reflexão ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucas Da Silva Lopes

Christopher Douglas is one of the most prominent scholars who has studied the rise of the conservative Christian Right in the American political arena and the links of this complex movement to American culture. Prof. Douglas taught at the University of Toronto and, for five years, at Furman University, South Carolina before transferring to University of Victoria in 2004. He teaches American literature, particularly contemporary American fiction, religion and literature, multicultural American literature, postmodernism, and the Bible as Literature. In the interview below, Prof. Douglas talks about his research and the idea behind his book “If God Meant to Interfere”, published in 2016; the explanatory concepts of Christian Multiculturalism and Christian Postmodernism; the spread of fake news, conspiracy theories, and alternative facts among Christian fundamentalists; the American political context. Prof. Douglas also offers interesting comments on the current Brazilian situation. His critical insights provide interesting and new perspectives that give fresh vitality to the debates about Christian fundamentalism. Prof. Douglas is committed to “public-scholar engagement” that is, research-based critical writings for non-academic audiences.Links to his public academic activity are inserted throughout the interview.


Author(s):  
Gordon Morris

This is a book that needed to be written. First published in 2014, Ines Newman takes a timely, refreshing, and broad look at local government.  Although it relates mainly to the UK, colleagues throughout the Commonwealth will find this book both interesting and relevant.  Her thoughtful approach has, I think, optimism at its heart.  The work is an effective counterpoint to the prevailing neoliberal orthodoxy that “austerity”, with its consequential public sector cuts, is unavoidable. As Newman makes clear, “austerity” is a political choice.  


2003 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 176-180
Author(s):  
Stephen Hunt

This paper considers the conservative evangelical response to the Gay Christian Movement in the UK. Increasingly the conservative constituency has been forced to reply to the propaganda and highly vociferous Christian gay lobby that has appealed to both church and secular agencies with the language of ‘Rights’. This paper identifies and outlines the strategies undertaken by conservative Christianity anti-gay groups and speculates as to their level of current and future success.


2021 ◽  
pp. 209-240
Author(s):  
Kristy L. Slominski

As Chapter 5 argues, conservative Christian abstinence-only advocates learned a great deal from the liberal Protestants and comprehensive sexuality education they rejected. This phase of sex education, often defined by the struggle between competing versions of sex education, began with the emergence of abstinence-only education in the 1980s. After years of opposing sex education, conservative Christians like Tim LaHaye developed their replacements. Supported by—and supporting—the newly developed Christian Right and the evangelical pro-family movement, these programs espoused chastity before marriage and omitted information on contraceptive benefits and the diversity of sexual behaviors and identities. It was no longer a question of whether sex education belonged in schools, but rather which type would be taught. Conservatives, too, had learned how to translate religious values into secular spaces in order to gain a bigger audience for their concerns and values.


Author(s):  
Amanda Espina Burgos

Este artículo tendrá por finalidad instalar el debate reflexivo en torno a la discusión reciente dentro del marco socio-político sobre la legislación del aborto en tres causales. Para ello accederé a este fenómeno desde una mirada analítica que contempla el espacio social y político como aquel que expresa sintomáticamente la relación con el punto de fractura constitutivo del espacio socio-simbólico, esto será descrito desde la teoría psicoanalítica como el “punto de lo imposible”. Bajo este marco referencial intentaré capturar los elementos ideológicos que remiten a una cierta concepción hegemónica respecto a los derechos reproductivos de la mujer. En ese sentido aquel análisis pondrá en tensión la instalación de la teoría de género en políticas públicas revelando la discrepancia encarnada en esta discusión que, más que revelar una simple confrontación de opinión, da cuenta de la relación sintomática frente a la contingencia.Palabras claves: aborto tres causales, síntoma, ideología, punto de lo imposible, discurso de género AbstractThis article aims to reflect on the recent discussion on abortion legislation in three cases, taking place within the socio-political framework. To do so, I will draw upon an analytical view, which considers the social and political space as one that expresses symptomatically the relation with the fracture point constituting the symbolic space. The psychoanalytic theory describes this as the “point of the impossible”. Based on this framework, I will try to capture the ideological elements that denote certain hegemonic conception on women’s reproductive rights. Regarding this, the analysis will question the establishment of gender theory in public policy by showing the discrepancy observed in this discussion—which, rather than revealing a simple confrontation of opinions, denotes the symptomatic relationship vis-à-vis contingency.Keywords: abortion three cases, symptoms, ideology, point of the impossible, gender discourse


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-66
Author(s):  
Paul Anthony Hepburn

The debate on the potential of the internet to transform democratic practice appears to have settled around a balanced, empirically driven consensus that sees the internet as a political sphere of influence. This article acknowledges this and drawing upon a network ethnography approach provides empirical evidence demonstrating how this online sphere was used to influence the recent Manchester Congestion Charge referendum in the UK. It illustrates the online sphere as a locally contested political space where ‘politics as usual’ appears to prevail. Nonetheless, it also provides evidence of civic activists ably using the online network to get their voices heard and argues that prospects for this online sphere enhancing local democracy are in fact contingent upon the agency of these activists and local policy makers.


2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Hunt

The extension of non-heterosexual rights in largely liberal democratic contexts and confirmed in wider international conventions poses a challenge to Christian churches which historically condemned homosexuality and other sexual ‘variations’ on the basis of religious conviction. The stance taken by contemporary churches on these rights issues now diverge considerably. This article, however, considers the entrenched position of conservative Christian factions in the UK that have intensified their levels of political mobilisation at a time when they are drawn into the political arena through the implications of non-heterosexual rights in both the churches and the secular world. The article explores the way in which these cadres are forced to engage with the rhetoric of rights as an integral part of their oppositional stance, while attempting to negate the foundational basis of non-heterosexual rights. It will conclude with a discussion of how such developments connect with human rights theory.


Author(s):  
Andrew R. Lewis

Conservative Christianity’s alignment with the Republican Party at the end of the 20th century is one of the most consequential political developments, both for American religion and American party politics. In the proceeding four decades, what has been the nature of this relationship? The inclusion-moderation thesis suggests that once religious movements are integrated into political parties, their interests are often co-opted by broader party interests and their positions moderate. For the Christian right in the U.S. there is mixed evidence for the inclusion-moderation process. Considering all the evidence, the most apt description is that conservative Christianity has transformed the Republican Party, and the Republican Party has transformed conservative Christianity. With its inclusion in the Republican Party, the Christian right has moderated on some aspects. The movement has become more professional, more attuned to the more widely accepted, secular styles of democratic politics, and more engaged in the broader goals and positions of the party. Conservative Christianity has also failed to fully achieve some of its most important goals and has lost some of its distinctiveness. In these ways, the party has changed the Christian right. At the same time, the Christian right has altered Republican politics. National candidates have changed their positions on important social issues, including abortion, gay rights, and religious freedom. The party’s platforms and judicially strategies have been strongly affected by movement’s interests, and conservative Christian activists have come to be central to the Republican Party. It’s stability and strength within the party have given the movement power. In these areas, the Christian right has evangelized the Republican Party rather than moderated. A fair assessment is that for the Christian right there has been partial but quite incomplete adherence to the inclusion-moderation process.


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