Kajian Literatur tentang Perkembangan Historis dan Transformasi Dakwah Gerakan Tarbiyah di Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 349-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ai Fatimah Nur Fuad
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Gradual Transition ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
State Repression ◽  
New Members ◽  
Islamic Movements ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
Political Opportunity Structures

This research analyses the historical development of the Tarbiyah movement in Indonesia. Specifically, it analyses on how and to what extent the da’wa of the Tarbiyah movement has been transformed due its changing of religious, social and political dynamics of Indonesia since 1970s until now. Based on this written document-based research, I argue that the gradual transition of the Tarbiyah movement from a politically repressed network of religious purists in the 1970-80s into a fully-fledged dakwah political party (the Prosperous Justice Party /PKS) was the outcome of new ‘political opportunities’ which emerged during a period of demo­cratisation. The political situation during the time of the Tarbiyah movement’s emergence in the early 1980s saw state repression of Islamic movements and this constraint on political opportunity structures was one of the main factors causing the Liqo to be informally organised. Only in the post-New Order period (begun in 1998) did the movement start to generate its formal organizational structure in the shape of a political party named the PK(S). The move towards formality aimed to take advantage of the ‘political opportunity’ provided by a more democratic government, while the less formal and the informal aspects of their organisation supports the party in recruiting new members and mobilizing its sympathisers.Keywords: Da’wa, Tarbiyah movement, PKS, Politics, Indonesia.Penelitian ini mengkaji perkembangan historis gerakan Tarbiyah di Indonesia. Secara khusus, penelitian ini mengkaji mengenai bagaimana dan sejauhmana dakwah gerakan Tarbiyah ini telah mengalami trans­formasi disebabkan oleh perubahan dinamika keagamaan, sosial, dan politik Indonesia sejak tahun 1970-an sampai saat ini. Berdasarkan pene­litian berbasis analisa dokumen tertulis untuk ini, saya berpendapat bahwa transisi bertahap gerakan Tarbiyah dari jaringan agama puritan yang dite­kan secara politis pada tahun 1970-1980-an menjadi sebuah partai politik dakwah pada akhir 1990-an adalah hasil dari peluang politik atau ‘political opportunity' yang muncul selama periode demokratisasi. Situasi politik selama masa kemunculan gerakan Tarbiyah pada awal 1980-an menyebab­kan represi negara atas gerakan Islam dan kendala pada struktur kesem­patan politik ini adalah salah satu faktor utama yang menyebabkan liqo diorganisir secara informal. Pada periode pasca-Orde Baru (dimulai pada tahun 1998) gerakan ini mulai menghasilkan struktur organisasi formal dalam bentuk partai politik bernama PKS. Langkah perubahan menuju formalitas bertujuan untuk mengambil keuntungan dari 'peluang politik' yang dibuka oleh pemerintah yang lebih demokratis, sementara aspek yang kurang formal dan informal dari organisasi /gerakan mereka tetap bisa mendukung partai dalam merekrut anggota baru dan memobilisasi sim­patisannya.Kata Kunci: Dakwah, Gerakan Tarbiyah, PKS, Politik, Indonesia.

scholarly journals Welfare States, Political Opportunities, and the Mobilization of the Unemployed: A Cross-National Analysis

2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 297-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Giugni
Keyword(s):  
Original Data ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Welfare States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
Political Opportunity Structures ◽  
National Analysis ◽  
The Unemployed

This article follows a revised political opportunity approach to argue that mobilization of underprivileged groups is constrained by the political opportunity structures provided by the institutional context of the country in which they act. Contrary to traditional opportunity theories, it is suggested that their mobilization also depends on a set of opportunities specific to the political or issue field most directly addressed by their claims. I propose to look for these specific opportunities in the institutional approaches to unemployment. I further maintain that such opportunities stem largely from the ways in which a given political or issue field is collectively defined. I apply a theoretical framework stressing both general and specific opportunities as well as the discursive context of claim making to original data on claim making in the unemployment political field in six European countries for the 1995-2002 period. The findings provide some support for the proposed theoretical framework, but also point to its shortcomings, especially in the lack of attention to economic factors.

scholarly journals Why have Anti-Offshore Tin Mining Movements Failed in Bangka but Succeeded in East Belitung? Political Opportunity Structures and Political Settlement in the Context of Indonesia's Democratic Future

PCD Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-227
Author(s):  
Eko Bagus Sholihin
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Economic Resources ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Opportunity Structures ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
Political Access ◽  
Political Opportunity Structures ◽  
Important Position ◽  
Political Settlement

Civil society movements have occupied an important position in Indonesia's democratisation. This article seeks to determine why anti-offshore tin mining movements in the post-authoritarian era failed in Bangka but succeeded in East Belitung, an area where tin mining has historically been important. By analysing the political opportunity structures and political settlement mechanisms involved, this article argues, first, that the movement's success in East Belitung can be attributed to open political access, fragmentation within elite circles, and alliances with influential elites; such political opportunities were not available in Bangka. Second, in Bangka, the local bourgeoisie and brokers used clientelistic approaches in their political settlement and prevented resistance by co-opting local communities within the extraction chain. In East Belitung, meanwhile, such efforts were stymied by the lack of local bourgeoisie, the strength of environmental awareness, and the availability of alternative economic resources. It may thus be concluded that, while a clientelistic approach to settlement may prevent conflict, it also limits the political participation of civil society movements—an important element of democracy.

Occupy Movement, Religion and Social Formations

2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Matt Sheedy
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Social Formation ◽  
Beliefs And Practices ◽  
Opportunity Structures ◽  
Occupy Movement ◽  
Political Opportunity Structures

The Occupy movement was an unprecedented social formation that spread to approximate 82 countries around the globe in the fall of 2011 via social media through the use of myths, symbols and rituals that were performed in public space and quickly drew widespread mainstream attention. In this paper I argue that the movement offers a unique instance of how discourse functions in the construction of society and I show how the shared discourses of Occupy were taken-up and shaped in relation to the political opportunity structures and interests of those involved based on my own fieldwork at Occupy Winnipeg. I also argue that the Occupy movement provides an example of how we might substantively attempt to classify “religion” by looking at how it embodied certain metaphysical claims while contrasting it with the beliefs and practices of more conventionally defined “religious” communities.

How Students on College Campuses Created Opportunities for Workers in Sweatshops

Contention ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-52
Author(s):  
Matthew S. Williams
Keyword(s):  
Social Context ◽  
College Campuses ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Opportunity Structure ◽  
College Administrators ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
Apparel Companies ◽  
A Chain

Political opportunity structure (POS) refers to how the larger social context, such as repression, shapes a social movement’s chances of success. Most work on POS looks at how movements deal with the political opportunities enabling and/or constraining them. This article looks at how one group of social movement actors operating in a more open POS alters the POS for a different group of actors in a more repressive environment through a chain of indirect leverage—how United Students Against Sweatshops (USAS) uses the more open POS on college campuses to create new opportunities for workers in sweatshop factories. USAS exerts direct leverage over college administrators through protests, pushing them to exert leverage over major apparel companies through the licensing agreements schools have with these companies.

scholarly journals It's Not Just Structural: Social Movements are not Homogenous Responses to Structural Features, but Networks shaped by Organisational Strategies and Status

2009 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clare Saunders
Keyword(s):  
Structural Features ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Opportunity Structures ◽  
Government Institutions ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Opportunity Structures ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Different Characteristics ◽  
Environmental Organisation

Political opportunity structures are often used to explain differences in the characteristics of movements in different countries on the basis of the national polity in which they exist. However, the approach has a number of weaknesses that are outlined in this article. The article especially stresses the fact that such broad-brush approaches to political opportunity structures fail to account for the different characteristics of movement organisations within the same polity. The article therefore recommends using a more fine-tuned approach to political opportunities, taking into account that the strategies and status of organisations affect the real political opportunities they face. This fine-tuned approach is used to predict how the status and strategy of environmental organisations might influence the extent to which different types of environmental organisations in the UK network with one-another. We find that organisations that face an open polity - those with a moderate action repertoire and a constructive relationship with government institutions - tend not to cooperate with those with a radical action repertoire and negative relations with government institutions. On the other hand, those that vary their action repertoires, and which have variable status according to the issues involved or campaign targets, have a much broader range of network links with other types of organisations. Thus, there is much more diversity in types of environmental organisation in the UK than the broad-brush to political opportunity structures would account for. Nonetheless, it does seem that environmental organisations are aware of how their own behaviours might influence (non-structural) political opportunities, and that they mould their strategies and networking patterns around this awareness.

The Ulama: Pragmatism and Political Acquiescence

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walid Jumblatt Abdullah
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Thought Processes ◽  
Costs And Benefits ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Opportunity Structures ◽  
Political Opportunity Structures

This chapter investigates the position of the ulama within the political system in Singapore. It interrogates the various cleavages amongst the ulama, the strategies they undertake to further causes which they deem important, the issues they shun, and the thought processes behind their decisions. The ulama, just like other actors, are pragmatic creatures, fully cognizant of the costs and benefits of their actions. Different ulama prioritize various goals, depending on their own worldviews and ranking of what is important to them. As a result, the ‘pragmatic alim’ is able to operate within the political opportunity structures in an attempt to maximize his/her gains, while being aware of what has to be given up in order to achieve those objectives.

Political Opportunities for Participation and China’s Leadership Transition

2020 ◽  
pp. 59-86
Author(s):  
Diana Fu ◽  
Greg Distelhorst
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Disruptive Behavior ◽  
Strategic Behavior ◽  
Leadership Transition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
Institutional Participation

How does China manage political participation? This chapter analyzes changing opportunities for participation in the leadership transition from Hu Jintao to Xi Jinping. Contentious political participation—where individuals and independent organizations engage in protest and other disruptive behavior—has been further curtailed under Xi’s leadership. Yet institutional participation by ordinary citizens through quasi-democratic institutions appears unaffected and is even trending up in certain sectors. Manipulation of the political opportunity structure is likely strategic behavior on the part of authoritarian rulers, as they seek to incorporate or appease the discontented. The political opportunity structure in non-democracies is therefore multifaceted: one channel of participation can close as others expand.

scholarly journals Political Opportunities and China’s Proposing Behavior in the G20

2019 ◽  
Vol 01 (01) ◽  
pp. 1850002
Author(s):  
Hongsong Liu
Keyword(s):  
Financial Regulation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Governance ◽  
Collective Actions ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Policy Initiatives ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
Political Consensus ◽  
Global Economic Governance

In global economic governance, political consensus reached by the G20 members plays an important role of defining governance ideas and governance directions as well as steering and boosting collective actions. Political opportunities are essential for the G20 members’ successful efforts to place their preferences into the political consensus of G20. This paper analyzes how the G20 members place their preferences into the political consensus of G20 through the lens of political opportunity, and provides a relatively detailed demonstration on China’s practice of proposing policy initiatives and placing its preferences into the political consensus of G20 by examining the cases of International Monetary Fund (IMF) quota reform and international financial regulation reform.

Cycles of Accumulation, Cycles of Struggle: The Zapatista Revolt in World-Systemic Perspective

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 667-681
Author(s):  
Christopher Gunderson
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Indigenous Communities ◽  
Phase Shifts ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Expansion Phase ◽  
Opportunity Structures ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Opportunity Structures

The 1994 Zapatista uprising was not the first indigenous revolt in the territory known today as Chiapas, Mexico. Adopting insights from Cox and Nilsen and examining the history of three indigenous revolts in Chiapas within the framework of Arrighi’s “Systemic Cycles of Accumulation” (SCAs), this study considers the effects of such cycles on the timing of indigenous revolts. It finds a correlation between the initiation of the “financial expansion phase” of SCAs and outbreaks of indigenous revolt in Chiapas. Specifying the linkages between each SCA and developments in Chiapas, the study attributes this correlation to the effects of these phase shifts on the political opportunity structures of the indigenous communities. The implications of these findings for a theory of the timing of episodes of collective action generally is discussed.

scholarly journals Democratic Breakthrough in Malaysia – Political Opportunities and the Role of Bersih

2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 109-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chan Tsu Chong
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Civic Participation ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Electoral Reform ◽  
Coalition Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Electoral Fraud ◽  
Political Opportunities

The 14th general election (GE14) in Malaysia saw a democratic breakthrough as the Barisan Nasional's uninterrupted rule since independence finally came to an end. This article seeks to analyse the role and impact of the Bersih movement in GE14 by examining the political context of GE14 via three key political opportunities: the 1MDB scandal; electoral fraud and manipulation; and the re-delineation of electoral boundaries. Bersih's core campaigns, actions, and strategies in response to these political opportunities will be analysed based on information and insights generated from the author's involvement as a member of Bersih's secretariat. The political opportunity resulting from the 1MDB scandal gave room for civil society and the opposition to go on the offensive; Bersih took the lead and continued the tradition of coalition-building between civil society and opposition forces, and brought focus to cross-ethnic issues. At the same time, Bersih held firm in its agenda for electoral reform by continuing to consistently monitor and mobilise against electoral fraud and manipulation leading up to GE14. Via the re-delineation exercise, it mobilised and coordinated resistance by increasing civic participation in the constitutional process and created new areas of contestation via the judiciary. In parallel, Bersih's efforts and strategies towards these political opportunities had created conditions that contributed towards Pakatan Harapan's victory in GE14.

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