Fathers’ Participation in Child Custody Arrangements among Hispanic, Non-Hispanic White and Intermarried Families

1992 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-68
Author(s):  
Kathryn D. Gray
Author(s):  
Eileen P. Ryan

Chapter 12 contains only two cases, Painter v. Bannister and Santosky v. Kramer, but these cases are extremely important in having established the important principles of “best interest of the child” for determining child custody arrangements and terminating parental rights based on “clear and convincing evidence.” The former overturned the idea that parental preference should drive custody decisions and the latter recognized the serious and potentially traumatic effects of removing a child from his/her parents.


2021 ◽  
pp. 117-176
Author(s):  
Sanford N. Katz

This chapter assesses divorce, both as a termination of a marriage and as the legal, social, and psychological reorganization of that relationship and the parent–child relationship established through the marriage. “Reorganization” is an appropriate descriptor because the divorced couple may have a continuing relationship, albeit altered by post-divorce property and child custody arrangements. Alimony and the assignment of property may continue the adult relationships, but on a level different from marriage. Likewise, the judicial award of a child's custody to one parent or another changes the relationship from what it was during marriage. Ultimately, the petition for divorce not only restricts the personal autonomy of the couple but also limits their relationship with their children at least until they reach majority. The chapter then details the American divorce laws and procedure.


2005 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert E. Emery ◽  
Randy K. Otto ◽  
William T. O'Donohue

SUMMARY—Most parents who live apart negotiate custody arrangements on their own or with the help of lawyers, mediators, or other professionals. However, psychologists and other mental health professionals increasingly have become involved in evaluating children and families in custody disputes, because of the large number of separated, divorced, and never-married parents and the substantial conflict that often accompanies the breakup of a family. Theoretically, the law guides and controls child custody evaluations, but the prevailing custody standard (the “best interests of the child” test) is a vague rule that directs judges to make decisions unique to individual cases according to what will be in children's future (and undefined) best interests. Furthermore, state statutes typically offer only vague guidelines as to how judges (and evaluators) are to assess parents and the merits of their cases, and how they should ultimately decide what custody arrangements will be in a child's best interests. In this vacuum, custody evaluators typically administer to parents and children an array of tests and assess them through less formal means including interviews and observation. Sadly, we find that (a) tests specifically developed to assess questions relevant to custody are completely inadequate on scientific grounds; (b) the claims of some anointed experts about their favorite constructs (e.g., “parent alienation syndrome”) are equally hollow when subjected to scientific scrutiny; (c) evaluators should question the use even of well-established psychological measures (e.g., measures of intelligence, personality, psychopathology, and academic achievement) because of their often limited relevance to the questions before the court; and (d) little empirical data exist regarding other important and controversial issues (e.g., whether evaluators should solicit children's wishes about custody; whether infants and toddlers are harmed or helped by overnight visits), suggesting a need for further scientific investigation. We see the system for resolving custody disputes as deeply flawed, for reasons that go beyond the problem of limited science. The coupling of the vague “best interests of the child” test with the American adversary system of justice puts judges in the position of trying to perform an impossible task, and it exacerbates parental conflict and problems in parenting and coparenting, which psychological science clearly shows to be key factors predicting children's psychological difficulties in response to their parents' separation and divorce. Our analysis of the flawed system, together with our desire to sharply limit custody disputes and custody evaluations, leads us to propose three reforms. First, we urge continued efforts to encourage parents to reach custody agreements on their own—in divorce mediation, through collaborative law, in good-faith attorney negotiations, in therapy, and in other forums. Some such efforts have been demonstrated to improve parent–parent and parent–child relationships long after divorce, and they embrace the philosophical position that, in the absence of abuse or neglect, parents themselves should determine their children's best interests after separation, just as they do in marriage. Second, we urge state legislatures to move toward adopting more clear and determinative custody rules, a step that would greatly clarify the terms of the marriage contract, limit the need for custody evaluations, and sharply narrow the scope of the evaluation process. We find particular merit in the proposed “approximation rule” (recently embraced by the American Law Institute), in which postdivorce parenting arrangements would approximate parenting involvement in marriage. Third and finally, we recommend that custody evaluators follow the law and only offer opinions for which there is an adequate scientific basis. Related to this, we urge professional bodies to enact more specific standards of practice on this and related issues.


1969 ◽  
pp. 852 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen M. Munro

It is well understood that in custody battles passions become inflamed and children often become victims of their parents' irrational, selfish behaviour. Within the court system, various concepts have been developed in an attempt to combat this and to achieve custody arrangements that are in the best interests of the children. Munro explores these concepts and reveals that all too often the best interests of the children are sacrificed for the rights of the parents. Indeed, the Charter of Rights and Freedoms has added strength to parental rights arguments within custody battles. Munro challenges those who believe that rights analysis should be used to create equality between parents seeking the custody of their children. She explores the various myths about the differences between men and women as caregivers and concludes that, on a general level, men are biologically capable of being the caregiving parent but refuse to actively take on the role. Ultimately, Munro suggests that the appropriate test to use to determine who should have custody is the Primary Caregiver Test. This test is based on the presumption that the parent who was the primary caregiver during the marriage will he the better caregiver after the marriage and, thus, should be awarded custody of the children. The Primary Caregiver Test, Munro argues, is not only more effective, less time consuming and less costly than other tests, but also acts to preserve the concept of the best interests of the children which must be the pinnacle consideration in all custody disputes.


1995 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 693 ◽  
Author(s):  
Greer Litton Fox ◽  
Robert F. Kelly

Author(s):  
Eileen P. Ryan

Chapter 12 contains only two cases, Painter v. Bannister and Santosky v. Kramer, but these cases are extremely important in having established the key principles of “best interest of the child” for determining child custody arrangements and terminating parental rights based on “clear and convincing evidence.” The former overturned the idea that parental preference should drive custody decisions, and the latter recognized the serious and potentially traumatic effects of removing a child from his or her parents.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alena L. Vasilyeva

This study examines 18 transcripts from audio recordings of mediation sessions at a mediation center in the western United States to explore argumentation in the context of mediation activity. The mediation sessions involve divorced or divorcing couples attempting to create or repair a plan for child custody arrangements. The study takes a conversational argument approach and investigates what is the relationship between interaction and reasoning, how disagreement is managed, and how the mediator’s contributions construct an institutionally preferred form of interactivity. The analysis shows that the mediation activity is accomplished through various dialogue activities. The article makes two claims. Firstly, argument and reasoning are constituted through interaction that imposes various constraints on what contributions are appropriate in mediation talk. Secondly, dialogue activities that mediators initiate can be considered as strategic moves that they make to achieve the institutional goal of the meeting.


2014 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paolo Roma ◽  
Federica Ricci ◽  
Georgios D. Kotzalidis ◽  
Luigi Abbate ◽  
Anna Lubrano Lavadera ◽  
...  

In recent years, several studies have addressed the issue of positive self-presentation bias in assessing parents involved in postdivorce child custody litigations. The Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 (MMPI-2) is widely used in forensic assessments and is able to evaluate positive self-presentation through its Superlative Self-Presentation S scale. We investigated the existence of a gender effect on positive self-presentation bias in an Italian sample of parents involved in court evaluation. Participants were 391 divorced parents who completed the full 567-item Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 during child custody evaluations ordered by several Italian courts between 2006 and 2010. Our analysis considered the S scale along with the basic clinical scales. North-American studies had shown no gender differences in child custody litigations. Differently, our results showed a significantly higher tendency toward “faking-good” profiles on the MMPI-2 among Italian women as compared to men and as compared to the normative Italian female population. Cultural and social factors could account for these differences.


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