scholarly journals “We the North”? Race, Nation, and the Multicultural Politics of Toronto’s First NBA Championship

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Funké Aladejebi ◽  
Kristi A. Allain ◽  
Rhonda C. George ◽  
Ornella Nzindukiyimana
Keyword(s):  
Media Coverage ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
National Basketball Association ◽  
Greater Toronto Area ◽  
The North ◽  
National Myths ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Media

The Toronto Raptors’ 2019 National Basketball Association (NBA) championship win, a first for the franchise and for a Canadian team, “turned hockey country into basketball nation” ( CBC Radio 2020 ). Canadians’ burgeoning embrace of the team and the sport seemed to point to a growing celebration of Blackness within the nation. However, we problematize the 2019 championship win to tell a more expansive story about how sport and national myths conceal truths about race and belonging in Canada. We explore two particular cases—the “We The North” campaign and the media coverage of Raptors superfan Nav Bhatia—to highlight the contradictory ways that the Raptors coverage mobilized symbols of the North and multiculturalism to present the team as quintessentially Canadian and rebrand basketball for Canadian audiences. We further explore how these stark contradictions manifest in the racialized policing of basketball courts in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA). These cases demonstrate that the celebrations of the Raptors and basketball not only continued to police racialized bodies, but also ensured that their inclusion was contingent on the maintenance of the status quo.

The Tragedy of Lebanon

1984 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-52
Author(s):  
Mahmud A. Faksh
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
World War ◽  
Land Area ◽  
Henry Kissinger ◽  
The North ◽  
Northern Cyprus ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Status ◽  
New States

I.Since the end of World War 11, approximately eighty new states havebeen established. Only two, Pakistan and Cyprus, have undergone theagony of dismemberment when Bangladesh broke off in 1973 and theTurkish Republic of Northern Cyprus was declared in 1983. The worldmay now be witnessing the possible breakup of yet a third state:Lebanon, whose disintegration has been accelerated since the June 1982Israeli invasion.Shortly after the invasion began, Henry Kissinger assessed itsconsequence for Lebanon’s future, concluding, “It is neither desirablenor possible to return to the status quo ante in Lebanon.” One possibleoutcome was that some Syrian and Israeli forces would remain in thenorthern and southern ends, respectively, and the central government’sauthority would ostensibly cover the rest of the country. Implicit in theKissinger diagnosis is the possibility of eventual partition.Though the gloomy assessment by the “wizard” of US. foreign policyshould by no means be construed as a portent of an official shift awayfrom the publicly stated US. support of “Lebanon’s sovereignty andterritorial integrity,” a shadow was cast on the country’s prospects.Subsequent developments have seemed to indicate that Lebanon’sdemise looms larger than at any time since the beginning of the civil warin 1975-76.For over a year and a half national fragmentation has proceededinexorably. What many people once could imagine only with difficulty,they now acknowledge: in reality, Lebanon is facing possible death. TheSouth (35 percent of the land area) is occupied by Israel; the North andthe Biqa’ (45 percent) are controlled by Syria; Kasrawan (15 percent) iscontrolled by the Christian Maronite forces (the Lebanese Front forces),which are not subject to the government’s authority. The rest of thecountry-beleaguered Beirut and environs-was until the February1984 breakdown under the government’s shaky control supported bysymbolic US., French, Italian, and British units. The Multi-NationalForce (MNF) was subject to increasing attacks by Muslim leftist factions,as witnessed in the October 23 bombing of the quarters of U.S.Marines and French troops. Thus, instead of keeping peace, the MNFbecame ,a partisan force trying to protect itself. The US. and Frenchforces in particular seemed to have outlived their usefulness as“peacekeepers.” Recurrent fighting in southern Beirut and in theadjacent Chouf mountains, that pitted Christian Maronites and armyunits against Shi‘ite and Druse Muslims constantly threatened theexistence of President Amin Gemayel’s government and consequently arenewal of the civil war. This situation culminated in February 1984 inthe resignation of the Shafiq al-Wazzan’s cabinet, the loss ofgovernment’s control of West Beirut to Muslim-leftist militias, and theimminent collapse of Amin Gemayel’s presidency ...

scholarly journals A MÍDIA COMO INSTRUMENTO PARA A CONSTRUÇÃO DE CONSENSOS (THE MEDIA AS INSTRUMENT FOR THE CONSTRUCTION OF CONSENSUS) - Doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.5212/OlharProfr.v.11i2.253273

2009 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Índia Mara Aparecida Dalavia de Souza Holleben ◽  
Marlene Lucia Siebert Sapelli
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Media Education ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Agricultural Workers ◽  
Upper Class ◽  
Educative Process ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Media

A educação acontece em diferentes espaços. A mídia também é um desses espaços. Por isso, neste artigo, propusemo-nos a analisar algumas questões, que consideramos relevantes e que, em geral, ocultam a hegemonia de uma classe sobre a outra. No processo educativo que acontece por meio da mídia, há uma contribuição para fortalecer tal hegemonia. Isso comprova a não neutralidade da educação. A mídia tem se mostrado como partido ideológico da elite, e o poder que exerce neste espaço social pode ser definido como poder simbólico, atrelado intimamente ao poder econômico, político e, em alguns casos, até coercitivo. Para discutirmos a mídia como instrumento educativo, em favor da manutenção do status quo, optamos em fazê-lo apresentando como duas temáticas que são por ela tratadas: Gênero e o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra.   Palavras-chave: Mídia. Educação. Consenso. Hegemonia. Gênero. Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra.   Education is settled in different places and the media is also one of these places. Therefore, in this article we propose to analyze some relevant questions that can usually hide the hegemony of a class on the other. In the educative process intermediated by the media, we can notice a contribution to empower this hegemony. This put in evidence the education no neutrality position. The media can be understood as an ideological political organization of the upper class and its power can be defined as a symbolic one, linked to the economic and politician forces and even acting, in some cases, as a coercion element. To discuss the media as an educative instrument, in favor of the of the status quo maintenance, we present two thematic that have been followed: Gender and Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (The Movement of the Agricultural Workers With No Land).   Keywords: Media. Education. Consensus. Hegemony. Gender. Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra.

Morocco

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amaney A. Jamal
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
North African ◽  
Islamic Movements ◽  
The North ◽  
The Status ◽  
Islamic Party

This chapter focuses on Morocco, highlighting how citizens across the North African monarchy rationalize authoritarianism through the prism of strategic utility to U.S. (and EU) ties. Morocco includes one of the most progressive Islamic movements in the region, and citizens, while applauding the movement's moderation, remain wary of its foreign intentions. Enhancing ties with the United States and maintaining ties to Europe were often cited as key reasons why the status quo was preferable to increasing levels of democracy. It became apparent that although the Islamic Party for Justice and Development is considered moderate in terms of its internal Islamic agenda, many in the kingdom worried about the party's stance toward the United States.

‘Have a Quiet, Orderly, Polite Revolution’: Framing Political Protest and Protecting the Status Quo

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 733-751
Author(s):  
Tamara J. Lynn ◽  
L. Susan Williams
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Print Media ◽  
New York Times ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Occupy Wall Street ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
The Status

This paper demonstrates how print media sources frame the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street in ways that, consciously or not, support the prevailing status quo – social, economic, and political elites. The study employs critical discourse analysis (CDA) as the analytic framework, investigating how print media (sometimes referred to as ‘print capitalism’) utilized framing techniques that disparaged the two political organizations but in very different ways. The analysis incorporates articles appearing in the New York Post and the New York Times from the inception of each organization, through six weeks after the 2012 Presidential Inauguration; articles were coded to uncover themes that defined both organizations as ‘outsiders.’ Tea Partiers are characterized as irrational demagogues, while Occupy Wall Street (OWS) activities are criminalized; both are dismissed as irrelevant, leaving the predominant ‘mainstream’ political rule intact. Findings identify tools of discourse used by media to limit the influence of competing movements while essentially protecting the status quo. Revealing these tools provides clues to unreliable discourse in media coverage of presidential candidates, which tends to quash open debate and threaten principles of participatory government.

A Journalists’ Protest? Personal Identification and Journalistic Activism in the Israel Social Justice Protest Movement

2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doron Shultziner ◽  
Aya Shoshan
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Personal Identification ◽  
Protest Movement ◽  
Movement Characteristics ◽  
Tentative Model ◽  
The Social ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Media

The Social Justice Protest movement in 2011 was the largest social movement in Israel’s history. The movement received media coverage for almost two months and in all news outlets, despite the protest’s broad demands and its overall radical indictment against the economic system and the status quo. This study explores the causes for this extraordinary media coverage. We find that movement characteristics of the leadership’s professional background, the media strategies they employed, and the effects of mainstream channels on media tactics were important. We also find that journalists’ personal identification with the movement is a key factor leading to the wide and favorable media coverage. Personal identification led many journalists to report favorably on the movement and write supportive opinion columns, to ignore stories that could damage it, to participate and volunteer in movement activities, and to offer their professional skills to help the movement leadership. We propose a tentative model consisting of factors and mechanisms that may explain when personal identification and journalistic activism are more likely to occur.

scholarly journals Is Russia an Arctic Status Quo Power?

Politik ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Morten Larsen Nonboe
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Law ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Arctic Region ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
North Pole ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
The North ◽  
The Status

Russian foreign policy in the increasingly important Arctic region reflects an ambiguous combination of assertiveness and cooperation in accordance with international law. Against this background, the existing literature on the Arctic tends to polarise around revisionist and status quo interpretations of Russian foreign policy in the region. The present paper contrasts the divergent interpretations through case studies of the Russian flag planting on the North Pole seabed in 2007 and Russia’s participation at the Ilulissat Summit in 2008 which can be seen as ‘crucial’ cases for the competing interpretations. Overall, the case studies provide support for a modidied version of the status quo interpretation which incorporates insights from the revisionist interpretation. 

An Overview of The Status and Management of Rock-wallabies (Petrogale) In New South Wales.

1996 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 163
Author(s):  
L. Dovey ◽  
V. Wong ◽  
P. Bayne
Keyword(s):  
New South ◽  
New South Wales ◽  
Major Threat ◽  
The North ◽  
South Wales ◽  
Eastern Australia ◽  
Management Plans ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Media ◽  
Recovery Program

Two species of rock-wallabies occur in New South Wales; the Yellow-footed Rock-wallaby Petrogale xanthopus in the far west and the Brush-tailed Rock-wallaby Petrogale penicillata in the east. Both species have contracted in distribution and abundance across their former range and are threatened in NSW. The P. xanthopus population in NSW now comprises only two sub-populations. Removal of large numbers of goats, thought to be the primary threat, has not halted the wallaby's decline. Fox and cat predation is now considered the major threat. Fox control is currently being conducted. P. penicillata has undergone a dramatic and continuing decline from being common throughout south-eastern Australia to currently being extremely rare in the southern and western parts of its range and found only in isolated colonies throughout the north of its range. Predation (particularly fox, but including dog and cat), once again, is considered the major threat. A recovery program has been commenced involving the media and wider community in locating extant colonies, as well as developing and implementing Population Management Plans. This program has documented further local extinctions and extremely low numbers of individuals in colonies in the southern and western parts of the range. While no surviving colonies are known between the Shoalhaven area and the Victorian border, there remain more and larger colonies in the north of the state.

Stockholm Agreement—Past, Present, Future (Part 1)

2002 ◽  
Vol 39 (03) ◽  
pp. 137-158
Author(s):  
Dracos Vassalos ◽  
Apostolos Papanikolaou
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
Research Centre ◽  
New Developments ◽  
North West ◽  
The North ◽  
The Status ◽  
Potential Impact ◽  
The University ◽  
North And South ◽  
South Of Europe

April 1, 2001 marked the fourth anniversary of the Stockholm Agreement (SA), a period during which almost 80% of the roll-on/roll-off (Ro-Ro) fleet in North West Europe have been subjected to calculations, model testing and numerical simulations in the struggle to meet these demanding new requirements. The experience gained has been invaluable in understanding better the problem at hand and is being utilized to shape new developments likely to lead to more meaningful requirements. The North-South divide, however, continues to cause unrest, particularly at the European level. Efforts to assess the status quo in North West Europe, and to use the information amassed so far as a means to predict the potential impact of introducing the SA in the South, led to a dedicated call by the Commission and to a contract being awarded to two closely collaborating teams, one at the Ship Stability Research Centre of the University of Strathclyde under the leadership of Professor Vassalos and one at the Ship Design Laboratory of the National Technical University of Athens, under the leadership of Professor Papanikolaou, representing the North and South of Europe, respectively. This background provided the incentive for an introspective look at the SA, with a view to ascertaining its status before embarking into future projections. This forms Part 1 of the SA related research with Part 2 aiming to cover the results of the Commission study itself.

scholarly journals Indian Media and Caste: Of Politics, Portrayals and Beyond

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-108
Author(s):  
Pranjali Kureel
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
Media Representation ◽  
Media Industry ◽  
Epistemic Violence ◽  
The World ◽  
Dalit Women ◽  
The Status ◽  
Huge Impact ◽  
Catalytic Role ◽  
The Media

Media industry in India has witnessed hegemony of dominant castes since its very inception. Such hegemony has had a huge impact on our everyday lives and how we come to experience the world. This paper attempts to analyze how caste operates in the media sector, from its composition to content and argues that Indian media has played a catalytic role in inflicting epistemic violence over the oppressed castes as it helps dominant discourses to prevail and shapes popular perceptions and culture. After going over journalism, the paper examines cinema and television as both- a tool of maintaining the status quo and also as a medium of resistance and assertion. An analysis of the feminist discourse in media reveals a linear and somewhat exclusionary approach that bars the agency of Dalit women from media representation. At the end, it explores the power of the Internet with respect to the emerging Ambedkarite voices that are strengthening a liberatory framework while reclaiming their worldview.

scholarly journals Islamic Peril

2004 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-149
Author(s):  
Laurent Bonnefoy
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Social Construction ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
The North ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Relations Of Power

At the junction of history, international relations, political science, andcommunication studies, Karim H. Karim’s Islamic Peril provides seriousand in-depth research on the media coverage of violence involving Muslimindividuals and groups. This updated edition of the book, first published in2000, adds a preface and an afterword that briefly account for 9/11 and itsaftermath. While studying the construction of Islam as the primary “Other”in Canada’s main print media since the beginning of the 1980s, the authorargues that the numerous (mis)representations and stereotypes of Muslimsare based on a lack of religious, sociological, political, and historicalknowledge rather than on what Karim calls a “centrally organized journalisticconspiracy against Islam” (p. 4).The author concentrates on the construction, flow, and reproductionof globally dominant interpretations through relations of power and dominationbetween the North and the South, but also inside the North’s media.His focus on journalism’s internal mechanisms (e.g., dependence on alimited number of sources, the need for simplification, and the clash ofinterests between information and business) and the wider sociopoliticaldomination processes (e.g., the end of the cold war or unipolarity) preventsthe analysis from being overtly simplistic and adopting a victimmentality. The author does not just highlight the (mis)representations; healso tries to analyze them. His approach is optimistic, for it implies thereis no fatality in reproducing stigmatization and stereotypes.Karim studies what could be called the “Islamization of representations”:the social construction of the linkage between facts of violence thatare historically and sociologically rooted and the notion of Islam as anessence. His analysis does not revolutionise the approach toward discourseson Islam, for one can feel how much he was influenced by the ...

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