scholarly journals Is Russia an Arctic Status Quo Power?

Politik ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Morten Larsen Nonboe
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Law ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Arctic Region ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
North Pole ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
The North ◽  
The Status

Russian foreign policy in the increasingly important Arctic region reflects an ambiguous combination of assertiveness and cooperation in accordance with international law. Against this background, the existing literature on the Arctic tends to polarise around revisionist and status quo interpretations of Russian foreign policy in the region. The present paper contrasts the divergent interpretations through case studies of the Russian flag planting on the North Pole seabed in 2007 and Russia’s participation at the Ilulissat Summit in 2008 which can be seen as ‘crucial’ cases for the competing interpretations. Overall, the case studies provide support for a modidied version of the status quo interpretation which incorporates insights from the revisionist interpretation. 

Deterrence and Foreign Policy

1989 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander L. George ◽  
Richard Smoke
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Cost Benefit ◽  
Strategic Interaction ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Status ◽  
Positive Inducements ◽  
Deductive Theory ◽  
Different Levels

Achen and Snidal's deductive theory of deterrence contributes very little to an understanding of the uses and limitations of deterrence strategy as an instrument of foreign policy. Lacking operationalization, their “rational deterrence theory” is incapable of predicting the outcome of individual cases. Furthermore, it has not yet addressed the need (i) to reconceptualize the problem of deterrence for different levels of conflict; (2) to refine the assumption of “rationality”; (3) to deal with the phenomenon of equifinality; (4) to develop a framework of strategic interaction between Initiator and Defender acknowledging that an Initiator often has multiple options for challenging the status quo from which to choose an action that meets his cost-benefit criteria; (5) to find a way of taking into account decision-making variables that, as case studies have demonstrated, often affect deterrence outcomes; and (6) to broaden the conceptualization of deterrence strategy to encompass the possible use of positive inducements as a means of discouraging challenges to a status quo situation.

Жапониянын уюлдар саясаты

2019 ◽  
pp. 94-103
Author(s):  
Ишчи Арманбек
Keyword(s):  
Natural Resources ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Arctic Region ◽  
North Pole ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Arctic Council ◽  
The North ◽  
North And South ◽  
The Arctic Region

Аннотация. Акыркы жылдардын ичинде Түндүк жана Түштүк уюлдардын мааниси эл аралык аренада жогорулашында күмөн жок. Жапония да Түндүк Уюлдун тарабына көңүлүн буруп, натыйжада бул региондо өлкөнүн кызыкчылыктарына ылайык келген улуттук саясат иштелип чыкканы таң калтырбайт. Арктика кеңешинин мамлекеттери менен кызматташууну өнүктүрүп, 2013-жылдан тартып Жапония Арктика аймагында негизги акторлордун бири болуп саналат. Макалада Жапониянын Түндүк уюлга карата саясаты каралат, бул аймактын табигый байлыктарын, өзгөчө энергия ресурстарын колдонуу боюнча эл аралык документтер көрсөтүлөт. Түйүндүү сөздөр: Жапония, Түндүк уюл, Арктика кеңеши, улуттук саясат, энергия ресурстары, мөңгүлөр. Аннотация. Нет никакого сомнения в том, что за последние годы возросла значимость Северного и Южного полюсов на международной арене. Неудивительно, что и Япония обратила свой взор в сторону Северного Полюса, в результате чего была выработана национальная политика, которая соответствует интересам страны в данном регионе. Развивая сотрудничество с государствами Ар- ктического совета, Япония с 2013 года считается одним из основных актёров в арктическом регионе. В статье рассматривается политика Японии в отношении Северного полюса, приводятся международные документы относительно пользования природными богатствами данного региона, в особенности энергоресурсами. Ключевые слова: Япония, Северный полюс, Арктический совет, национальная политика, энергоресурсы, ледники. Abstract. There is no doubt that in recent years the importance of the North and South Poles has increased in the international arena. It is not surprising that Japan turned its eyes towards the North Pole, as a result of which a national policy was devel- oped which corresponds to the interests of the country in the region. Developing coop- eration with the states of the Arctic Council, Japan since 2013 is considered one of the main actors in the Arctic region. The article discusses the policy of Japan in relation to the North Pole, provides international documents on the use of the natural resources of the region, especially energy. Keywords: Japan, the North Pole, the Arctic Council, national policy, energy, gla- ciers

Canadian-American Relations in the Arctic: The Effect of Environmental Influences upon Territorial Claims

1979 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 402-427 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas M. Tynan
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
The North ◽  
Arctic Regions ◽  
Canadian Foreign Policy ◽  
Territorial Claims ◽  
The One

Wallace K. Ferguson, the noted Renaissance scholar, once wrote that history must be seen through the eyes of the one writing it. He went on to say that, “since history is in this sense created by the historian, and he, in turn, is the product of his age and environment, history varies from generation to generation and must be constantly reinterpreted.” It is with this thought in mind that we will undertake a reexamination of the role of the Arctic in Canadian-American relations.In recent years the Arctic has become a region of growing significance for both the United States and Canada after decades of marginal interest bordering on neglect. It is this article's position that Canadian foreign policy, concerning the Arctic regions to the north of her mainland, has consistently from 1880 to 1970 been based upon a perception of potential threats, which in fact never existed. Furthermore, such a perception has been based in part upon the unsettled nature of international law in the Arctic and the effect of certain environmental factors, labeled as domestic sources of foreign policy in Dale Thomson and Roger Swanson's Canadian Foreign Policy: Options and Perspectives. The article, then, shows how Canadian foreign policy in this issue-area illustrates the Sprout's paradigm of perception in decision-making. According to this paradigm, “what matters in policymaking (and, of course, in analysis thereof) is how the human policymaker (or group) perceives, interprets and responds to the environing conditions and events.”

Nuclear Humanitarianism

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 473-501
Author(s):  
Madelaine Chiam ◽  
Anna Hood
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
International Law ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Nuclear Movement ◽  
Track Record ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract In recent years, humanitarianism has been portrayed as a revolutionary new force in the anti-nuclear movement. This article challenges this progressive understanding of humanitarianism’s role in nuclear affairs by exploring how the language and concept of humanitarianism have been deployed by two states that have been deeply involved in international nuclear law projects over the last 50 years: Australia and New Zealand. It argues that contrary to popular perceptions about the radical potential of humanitarianism in nuclear affairs, the phenomenon’s track record in Australia and New Zealand is chequered. Indeed, in certain key respects, humanitarianism has impeded anti-nuclear agendas in Australia and New Zealand: first, the ambiguity inherent in the language of humanitarianism has allowed it to be deployed to support the maintenance of nuclear weapons; and secondly, humanitarianism has generated outcomes that often support and reinforce the status quo legally and structurally. The article also offers some reflections on the relationship between humanitarianism and international law in the nuclear context. Specifically, it shows how the Australian and New Zealand case studies reveal contradictory approaches to, and understandings of, humanitarianism as law.

Arctic Exploration and International Law

1909 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 928-941
Author(s):  
James Brown Scott
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Law ◽  
United States Navy ◽  
The United States ◽  
North Pole ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
The North ◽  
Arctic Regions ◽  
Arctic Exploration ◽  
Scientific Achievements

The announcement on September 1, 1909, by Dr. Frederick A. Cook, that he had discovered the north pole on April 21, 1908, and the almost contemporary declaration on September 6th, of Robert A. Peary, of the United States Navy, in command of the Roosevelt, that he had discovered the north pole on April 6, 1909, are, if substantiated, not only international events and scientific achievements of the greatest interest and value, but the culmination of centuries of effort, directed not merely to reach the pole, but to shorten commercial routes by the discovery of a northwestern and northeastern passage, to advance our knowledge of arctic geography and to make known in a disinterested and scientific spirit, the flora, fauna, and the physical configuration of the arctic regions.

The Tragedy of Lebanon

1984 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-52
Author(s):  
Mahmud A. Faksh
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
World War ◽  
Land Area ◽  
Henry Kissinger ◽  
The North ◽  
Northern Cyprus ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Status ◽  
New States

I.Since the end of World War 11, approximately eighty new states havebeen established. Only two, Pakistan and Cyprus, have undergone theagony of dismemberment when Bangladesh broke off in 1973 and theTurkish Republic of Northern Cyprus was declared in 1983. The worldmay now be witnessing the possible breakup of yet a third state:Lebanon, whose disintegration has been accelerated since the June 1982Israeli invasion.Shortly after the invasion began, Henry Kissinger assessed itsconsequence for Lebanon’s future, concluding, “It is neither desirablenor possible to return to the status quo ante in Lebanon.” One possibleoutcome was that some Syrian and Israeli forces would remain in thenorthern and southern ends, respectively, and the central government’sauthority would ostensibly cover the rest of the country. Implicit in theKissinger diagnosis is the possibility of eventual partition.Though the gloomy assessment by the “wizard” of US. foreign policyshould by no means be construed as a portent of an official shift awayfrom the publicly stated US. support of “Lebanon’s sovereignty andterritorial integrity,” a shadow was cast on the country’s prospects.Subsequent developments have seemed to indicate that Lebanon’sdemise looms larger than at any time since the beginning of the civil warin 1975-76.For over a year and a half national fragmentation has proceededinexorably. What many people once could imagine only with difficulty,they now acknowledge: in reality, Lebanon is facing possible death. TheSouth (35 percent of the land area) is occupied by Israel; the North andthe Biqa’ (45 percent) are controlled by Syria; Kasrawan (15 percent) iscontrolled by the Christian Maronite forces (the Lebanese Front forces),which are not subject to the government’s authority. The rest of thecountry-beleaguered Beirut and environs-was until the February1984 breakdown under the government’s shaky control supported bysymbolic US., French, Italian, and British units. The Multi-NationalForce (MNF) was subject to increasing attacks by Muslim leftist factions,as witnessed in the October 23 bombing of the quarters of U.S.Marines and French troops. Thus, instead of keeping peace, the MNFbecame ,a partisan force trying to protect itself. The US. and Frenchforces in particular seemed to have outlived their usefulness as“peacekeepers.” Recurrent fighting in southern Beirut and in theadjacent Chouf mountains, that pitted Christian Maronites and armyunits against Shi‘ite and Druse Muslims constantly threatened theexistence of President Amin Gemayel’s government and consequently arenewal of the civil war. This situation culminated in February 1984 inthe resignation of the Shafiq al-Wazzan’s cabinet, the loss ofgovernment’s control of West Beirut to Muslim-leftist militias, and theimminent collapse of Amin Gemayel’s presidency ...

Nuclear icebreaker fleet and power supply on the basis of floating power units

2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 110-113
Author(s):  
V. A. Tupchienko ◽  
H. G. Imanova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Power Supply ◽  
Nuclear Power ◽  
Arctic Region ◽  
Nuclear Industry ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Far North ◽  
The Arctic Region

The article deals with the problem of the development of the domestic nuclear icebreaker fleet in the context of the implementation of nuclear logistics in the Arctic. The paper analyzes the key achievements of the Russian nuclear industry, highlights the key areas of development of the nuclear sector in the Far North, and identifies aspects of the development of mechanisms to ensure access to energy on the basis of floating nuclear power units. It is found that Russia is currently a leader in the implementation of the nuclear aspect of foreign policy and in providing energy to the Arctic region.

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