scholarly journals China´s Bilateral Free Trade Agreements as Strategic Alignments: Building of a Comprehensive Cooperation Network with Pragmatic Countries of the Latin American Pacific Rim

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (50) ◽  
pp. 27-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Song Guoyou ◽  
◽  
Andres Borquez ◽  
Fabiola Zibetti Wust ◽  
◽  
...  
Author(s):  
Juan Carlos Lara Gálvez ◽  
Alan M. Sears

This chapter discusses the impact of free trade agreements (FTAs) on intermediary liability in Latin America, with special emphasis on the Digital Millennium Copyright Act’s (DMCA) provisions that have been included into every bilateral FTA the United States has entered into since 2002, thus promoting their inclusion in the national law of other countries. However, these provisions are controversial, and whether they drive the internet economy or create a more restrictive online space is a matter of debate. This chapter analyses the impact of such provisions in Latin American countries and the state of their implementation in national jurisdictions. In particular, this chapter reviews implementation and proposed implementation of the DMCA model in Chile, Costa Rica and other CAFTA bloc countries, Colombia, and Peru. It also discusses the failure of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement to create new intermediary liability rules and how the same language was ultimately included in the revision of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which became the US–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA).


2020 ◽  
Vol 69 (8) ◽  
pp. 803-822
Author(s):  
Juan I Correa ◽  
Carlos M Correa

Abstract This study shows that the main beneficiaries of the Patent Cooperation Treaty (PCT) in three Latin American countries, which adhered to it as a result of the obligations provided for in free trade agreements, have been non-residents rather than local companies and individual inventors. This rebuts the frequently made argument that acceding to the PCT would generate incentives for local innovation and benefit local inventors by boosting their capacity to protect their developments in third countries. In the three countries considered in this study, the number of patents granted increased after accession to the treaty. This points to the risk of an erosion of the countries’ flexibilities in designing and implementing patent policies, as allowed by the TRIPS Agreement, with respect to the standards applied to assess eligibility for patent protection.


2008 ◽  
pp. 7-24
Author(s):  
Ricardo Ernesto Buitrago R.

This paper aims to review the causes of international migration and the potential impact of FTAs (Free TradeAgreements) on latin american migrations. The first part describes the economic and non-economic causes for migration. The second one shows the potential impact of FTAs in the economy (job creation/destruction by sectors) in CAFTA countries and Colombia.The last part shows that there is little correlation between the commercial openness (FTAs) and the reduction of poverty. Poverty seems to be increasing in the studied countries –even more in those with the most open commercial regimens, than in those with the most closed ones. Data proves that openness doesn’t reduce the poverty automatically; on the contrary, in some (regional or subregional) cases it increases and causes a major determinant of international migration in latin american countries.


2017 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 336-364
Author(s):  
Fabian A. Borges

Stereotypes of Latin American legislatures as either rubber stamps or obstructionist obscure important cross-national differences. This article argues that the ability and willingness of legislatures to serve as counterweights to presidents are functions of their capabilities, electoral rules and the president’s powers. These arguments are assessed by comparing the legislative debates of free trade agreements with the US and accompanying legislation in Chile, Costa Rica and Peru. The cases reveal that legislatures with strong capabilities behave proactively, proposing their own policies that challenge the executive’s. If they challenge the president, congresses with weaker capabilities do so primarily through obstruction. Further, electoral rules shape the way legislators go about challenging the executive. Whereas legislators elected under personal vote systems take their cues from constituents, those elected under party-vote systems follow the party line. Worryingly, however, even a capable and motivated legislature may be sidelined by a powerful executive.


2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
R.A. Dello Buono

The unraveling of the Washington Consensus in Latin America is part of a broader decline of US hegemony in the region and beyond. Four distinct approaches by Latin American analysts from Argentina, Chile, Mexico, and Cuba are introduced that examine different aspects of this decline. It is argued that any serious analysis of regional hegemony must include consideration of the interrelationship between economic and military factors; the emergent modalities of exercising hegemony such as free trade agreements; the power structure of the hegemonic state; and the broader context of the global political economy.


2005 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 1850066 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alberto Trejos

The Doha Round differs from previous multilateral rounds since a number of participating countries are negotiating and implementing bilateral and regional free trade agreements (FTAs) at the same time as they are negotiating multilaterally. The standard arguments against FTAs involve that they create trade diversion, are difficult to administrate, involve complex rules of origin that impost added costs on firms, and attract the attention and political capital of policy makers away from the multilateral negotiation. This paper poses other arguments about FTAs being beneficial to the multilateral process. For instance, they have allowed some countries to achieve zero tariffs with all their main trading partners, and therefore a large majority of their trade, and often involve reforms in sensitive issues that, once undertaken, allow governments to assume a more offensive position at the WTO. Most importantly, by creating trade diversion away from countries that act as laggards in all negotiation fronts, they generate the competitive pressure that can move those nations to assume a more constructive position in the multilateral negotiations; also, it may be easier to harmonize existing FTAs than to seek comprehensive plurilateral and multilateral agreements from scratch. Beyond the discussion of whether FTAs help or hinder multilateral progress, the paper discusses changes in the multilateral rules, and best practices in bilateral negotiations, that can help make both fronts better complements. The issues mentioned include guidelines among rules of origin, origin accumulation, harmonization of standing agreements, bilateral trade facilitation and solutions to preference erosion. Alberto Trejos is a Professor at INCAE in Costa Rica. From 1994-1998, he was Dean of INCAE, and General Director of its Latin American Center for Competitiveness and Sustainable Development from 1999-2002. He was a professor in the Economics Department of Northwestern University from 1994-98. He has also been a visiting professor and researcher at the Institut d’Anàlisi Econòmica de Barcelona, the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, Fundaçao Getulio Vargas of Rio de Janeiro, and the University of Texas. As Minister of Foreign Trade of Costa Rica in 2002-04, he was responsible for the negotiation of CAFTA and of the CARICOM-Costa Rica FTA. He was in charge of Costa Rica´s ratification of its FTA with Canada and its entry into the Central American Customs Union. Trejos is a consultant for several companies, governments, and international organizations, President of CINDE (Costa Rican Investment Board), and a board member of several corporations and organizations. He has published extensively in leading journals, and he has been a National Science Foundation grantee and a Fulbright scholar. He received a PhD from the University of Pennsylvania in 1994.


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