scholarly journals Free trade agreements and their impact on latin american migrations: An approach

2008 ◽  
pp. 7-24
Author(s):  
Ricardo Ernesto Buitrago R.

This paper aims to review the causes of international migration and the potential impact of FTAs (Free TradeAgreements) on latin american migrations. The first part describes the economic and non-economic causes for migration. The second one shows the potential impact of FTAs in the economy (job creation/destruction by sectors) in CAFTA countries and Colombia.The last part shows that there is little correlation between the commercial openness (FTAs) and the reduction of poverty. Poverty seems to be increasing in the studied countries –even more in those with the most open commercial regimens, than in those with the most closed ones. Data proves that openness doesn’t reduce the poverty automatically; on the contrary, in some (regional or subregional) cases it increases and causes a major determinant of international migration in latin american countries.

2020 ◽  
Vol 69 (8) ◽  
pp. 803-822
Author(s):  
Juan I Correa ◽  
Carlos M Correa

Abstract This study shows that the main beneficiaries of the Patent Cooperation Treaty (PCT) in three Latin American countries, which adhered to it as a result of the obligations provided for in free trade agreements, have been non-residents rather than local companies and individual inventors. This rebuts the frequently made argument that acceding to the PCT would generate incentives for local innovation and benefit local inventors by boosting their capacity to protect their developments in third countries. In the three countries considered in this study, the number of patents granted increased after accession to the treaty. This points to the risk of an erosion of the countries’ flexibilities in designing and implementing patent policies, as allowed by the TRIPS Agreement, with respect to the standards applied to assess eligibility for patent protection.


Author(s):  
Juan Carlos Lara Gálvez ◽  
Alan M. Sears

This chapter discusses the impact of free trade agreements (FTAs) on intermediary liability in Latin America, with special emphasis on the Digital Millennium Copyright Act’s (DMCA) provisions that have been included into every bilateral FTA the United States has entered into since 2002, thus promoting their inclusion in the national law of other countries. However, these provisions are controversial, and whether they drive the internet economy or create a more restrictive online space is a matter of debate. This chapter analyses the impact of such provisions in Latin American countries and the state of their implementation in national jurisdictions. In particular, this chapter reviews implementation and proposed implementation of the DMCA model in Chile, Costa Rica and other CAFTA bloc countries, Colombia, and Peru. It also discusses the failure of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement to create new intermediary liability rules and how the same language was ultimately included in the revision of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which became the US–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA).


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip L. Martin

International migration involves the movement of people over national borders, while international trade deals with the production of goods or services in one country and their consumption in another. Economic theory assumes that migration and trade are substitutes, so that freer trade between countries with different wage levels should reduce voluntary migration as trade leads to convergence in wages. However, free-trade agreements can produce a migration hump as the pace of change accelerates and economies adjust, as migration increases before investment creates enough jobs to generate stay-at-home development despite remittances from migrants abroad. Efforts to deal with the root causes of migration must be aware of potential migration humps.


Author(s):  
Chris Bachmann

Canada has recently made progress with several free trade agreements (FTAs), and although the government has carried out considerable analysis of their potential impact on the Canadian economy, little to no work has been done to assess the potential impact on Canada's transportation system. The objective of the research was to estimate the impacts of recent and forthcoming FTAs on Canada's domestic trade infrastructure. This study extended a typical computable general equilibrium simulation of an FTA by estimating high-level domestic supply chain characteristics (i.e., subnational region of origin or destination, sub-national region of exit or entry, international transportation mode, port of clearance) and by converting the resulting trade flows to freight flows measured in tonnage. The results indicate that the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between Canada and the European Union (EU) may have had large impacts on Canada's Continental and Atlantic Gateways, especially at the Port of Montreal, Quebec, as a result of trade creation with the EU. CETA also has had impacts on various crossings at the U.S. border as a result of trade diversion with the United States. Simulations, however, suggested that the Canada–Korea Free Trade Agreement has had relatively small impacts, mostly concentrated in the Asia-Pacific Gateway, particularly at the Port of Vancouver, British Columbia. Although the impacts were FTA-specific, this research demonstrated the need to consider FTAs in commodity forecasting and freight transportation planning, because they could make sizable changes to future freight flows on domestic transportation infrastructure.


2017 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 336-364
Author(s):  
Fabian A. Borges

Stereotypes of Latin American legislatures as either rubber stamps or obstructionist obscure important cross-national differences. This article argues that the ability and willingness of legislatures to serve as counterweights to presidents are functions of their capabilities, electoral rules and the president’s powers. These arguments are assessed by comparing the legislative debates of free trade agreements with the US and accompanying legislation in Chile, Costa Rica and Peru. The cases reveal that legislatures with strong capabilities behave proactively, proposing their own policies that challenge the executive’s. If they challenge the president, congresses with weaker capabilities do so primarily through obstruction. Further, electoral rules shape the way legislators go about challenging the executive. Whereas legislators elected under personal vote systems take their cues from constituents, those elected under party-vote systems follow the party line. Worryingly, however, even a capable and motivated legislature may be sidelined by a powerful executive.


2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
R.A. Dello Buono

The unraveling of the Washington Consensus in Latin America is part of a broader decline of US hegemony in the region and beyond. Four distinct approaches by Latin American analysts from Argentina, Chile, Mexico, and Cuba are introduced that examine different aspects of this decline. It is argued that any serious analysis of regional hegemony must include consideration of the interrelationship between economic and military factors; the emergent modalities of exercising hegemony such as free trade agreements; the power structure of the hegemonic state; and the broader context of the global political economy.


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