scholarly journals РОЛЬ РАДИ БЕЗПЕКИ ООН У ВРЕГУЛЮВАННІ ВІЙСЬКОВИХ КОНФЛІКТІВ

Author(s):  
Олена Скрипник

Ключові слова: ООН, Рада Безпеки, військовий конфлікт, операція з підтримки миру, війська ООН. Анотація У статті проаналізовано діяльність Ради Безпеки ООН, визначено її роль у врегулюванні військових конфліктів. Проаналізовано історичний аспект діяльності Ради Безпеки ООН у даному питанні. Висвітлено процес прийняття рішення щодо започаткування операції з підтримання миру під егідою ООН. З’ясовано які методи Рада Безпеки ООН застосовує для припинення військового конфлікту. Охарактеризовано з якими проблемами змушена боротись РБ ООН під час прийняття рішень щодо врегулювання військового конфлікту. Зроблено висновок про те, що у руслі подій які відбуваються в Україні, а саме військового конфлікту на Сході нашої держави, де прямим учасником якого виступає постійний член Ради Безпеки ООН (Російська Федерація), особливо потрібне реформування РБ. Посилання Akulov, 2005 – Akulov S. Mizhnarodni myrotvorchi operatsiyi yak politychnyy instrument vrehulyuvannya voyenno-politychnykh konfliktiv [International peacekeeping operations as a political tool for resolving military-political conflicts] // Politychnyy menedzhment. 2005. № 2. S. 165–172. [in Ukrainian] Bani-Naser Fadi, 2015 – Bani-Naser Fadi Myrotvorchi operatsiyi OON: teoriya i praktyka [UN peacekeeping operations: theory and practice] // Problems of international relations. 2015. № 10-11. S. 24–36. [in Ukrainian] Barhamon, 2017 – Barhamon N. I. Yurydychnyy analiz kompetentsiyi rady bezpeky OON shchodo pidtrymannya mizhnarodnoho myru ta bezpeky [Legal analysis of the competence of the UN Security Council to maintain international peace and security] // International law in the service of the state, society, man: materials of scientific practice. conf. (Kyiv, December 8, 2016). 2017. S. 6–11. [in Ukrainian] Hodovanyk, 2010 – Hodovanyk YE. V. Orhanizatsiyno-pravovi aspekty reformuvannya rady bezpeky OON na suchasnomu etapi [Organizational and legal aspects of reforming the UN Security Council at the present stage] // State and law. 2010. № 49. S. 648–655. [in Ukrainian] Doklad General'nogo sekretarya, predstavlyayemyy vo ispolneniye Rezolyutsii 53/53 General'noy Asamblei. Padeniye Srebrentsy [Report of the Secretary-General submitted pursuant to General Assembly resolution 53/53. The fall of Srebrenza]. А/54/549. 1999. URL: https://undocs.org/ru/A/54/549 [in Russian] Doklad General'nogo sekretarya o situatsii v Somali, predstavlennyy vo ispolneniye punkta 13 Rezolyutsii 954 (1994) Soveta Bezopasnosti [Report of the Secretary-General on the situation in Somalia submitted pursuant to paragraph 13 of Security Council resolution 954 (1994)]. S/1995/231. URL: https://undocs.org/ru/S/1995/231 [in Russian] Leha, 2011 – Leha A. YU. Pravovi osnovy vrehulyuvannya viysʹkovykh konfliktiv [Legal bases of settlement of military conflicts] // Istorychnyy arkhiv. 2011. № 6. S. 80–83. [in Ukrainian] Malysheva, 2016 – Malysheva YU. V. Tsilespryamovani sanktsiyi ta yikh zastosuvannya Radoyu Bezpeky OON [Targeted sanctions and their application by the UN Security Council]: dys. … kand. yuryd. nauk : 12.00.11. Kyyiv, 2016. 253 s. [in Ukrainian] Operatsii OOH po podderzhaniyu mira [UN Peacekeeping Operations] // Ofitsiynyy sayt OON. URL: https://peacekeeping.un.org/ru/role-of-security-council [in Russian] Ostapenko, 2019 – Ostapenko N. V. Reforma Rady Bezpeky OON yak zasib podolannya kryzy efektyvnosti Orhanizatsiyi [Reform of the UN Security Council as a means of overcoming the crisis of the Organization's effectiveness] // Zovnishni spravy. 2019. № 1. S. 53–55. [in Ukrainian] Rezolyutsii Soveta Bezopasnosti OON 1960 [Resolutions of the UN Security Council 1960] S/4426 (1960). URL: https://undocs.org/ru/S/RES/146(1960) [in Russian] Statut OON [United Nations Statute]. URL: https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/995_010#Text. [in Ukrainian]. Fedorenko, 2011 – Fedorenko A. I. Shlyakhy ta napryamy transformatsiyi Rady Bezpeky OON [Ways and directions of transformation of the UN Security Council] // Aktualʹni problemy mizhnarodnykh vidnosyn. 2011. №. 96(2). S. 97–99 Security Council. United Nations. S/1999/1257/ 12 December 1999. URL: https://undocs.org/S/1999/1257 [in English]

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul D. Williams

Abstract The United Nations (UN) Security Council is stuck in a peacekeeping trilemma. This is a situation where the Council's three strategic goals for peacekeeping operations—implementing broad mandates, minimizing peacekeeper casualties and maximizing cost-effectiveness—cannot be achieved simultaneously. This trilemma stems from longstanding competing pressures on how the Council designs UN peacekeeping operations as well as political divisions between peacekeeping's three key groups of stakeholders: the states that authorize peacekeeping mandates, those that provide most of the personnel and field capabilities, and those that pay the majority of the bill. Fortunately, the most negative consequences of the trilemma can be mitigated and perhaps even transcended altogether. Mitigation would require the Council to champion and implement four main reforms: improving peacekeeper performance, holding peacekeepers accountable for misdeeds, adopting prioritized and sequenced mandates, and strengthening the financial basis for UN peacekeeping. Transcending the trilemma would require a more fundamental reconfiguration of the key stakeholder groups in order to create much greater unity of effort behind a re-envisaged peacekeeping enterprise. This is highly unlikely in the current international political context.


China Report ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-56
Author(s):  
Christopher B. Primiano

When China joined the United Nations in 1971, it viewed UN peacekeeping operations (UNPKOs) as an instrument for powerful countries to exploit weaker countries. Today, under Xi Jinping, China contributes the largest number of UN peacekeeping personnel among the five permanent (P5) members of the UN Security Council. This article presents findings from a pilot study based on a survey conducted at two international universities in China in the fall of 2016, regarding how Chinese students perceive China’s UNPKO involvement. A total of 297 Chinese university students participated in this survey. Given that there has been little scholarship on how Chinese citizens view China’s UNPKO spending or involvement, this article aims to contribute to our understanding of this subject.


2013 ◽  
Vol 95 (891-892) ◽  
pp. 645-652 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarina Grenfell

The applicability of international humanitarian law (IHL) to United Nations (UN) forces has long generated discussion. When peacekeepers have become engaged in hostilities of such a nature as to trigger the application of IHL (either via acts in self-defence, or in the course of carrying out a mandate as authorised by the UN Security Council under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations), questions have arisen as to whether they should be equally subject to the rules of IHL. Such questions arise as UN peacekeeping forces act on behalf of the international community and thus have a ‘just cause’, so to speak, to use force. Despite these questions, however, it now appears well settled that the distinction between jus ad bellum (the right to use force under public international law) and jus in bello (the law governing the conduct of hostilities) should be maintained, and that IHL applies in respect of UN peacekeeping operations whenever the conditions for its application are met. That said, questions regarding the conditions for the application of IHL, as well as its scope of application, continue to be relevant, particularly at a time when the Security Council is tasking UN operations with increasingly robust mandates.


Author(s):  
Bakare Najimdeen

Few years following its creation, the United Nations (UN) with the blessing of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) decided to establish the UN Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO), as a multilateral mechanism geared at fulfilling the Chapter VII of the UN Charter which empowered the Security Council to enforce measurement to maintain or restore international peace and security. Since its creation, the multilateral mechanism has recorded several successes and failures to its credit. While it is essentially not like traditional diplomacy, peacekeeping operations have evolved over the years and have emerged as a new form of diplomacy. Besides, theoretically underscoring the differences between diplomacy and foreign policy, which often appear as conflated, the paper demonstrates how diplomacy is an expression of foreign policy. Meanwhile, putting in context the change and transformation in global politics, particularly global conflict, the paper argues that traditional diplomacy has ceased to be the preoccupation and exclusive business of the foreign ministry and career diplomats, it now involves foot soldiers who are not necessarily diplomats but act as diplomats in terms of peacekeeping, negotiating between warring parties, carrying their countries’ emblems and representing the latter in resolving global conflict, and increasingly becoming the representation of their countries’ foreign policy objective, hence peacekeeping military diplomacy. The paper uses decades of Pakistan’s peacekeeping missions as a reference point to establish how a nation’s peacekeeping efforts represent and qualifies as military diplomacy. It also presented the lessons and good practices Pakistan can sell to the rest of the world vis-à-vis peacekeeping and lastly how well Pakistan can consolidate its peacekeeping diplomacy.


Author(s):  
Adekeye Adebajo

Egyptian scholar-diplomat Boutros Boutros-Ghali’s relationship with the UN Security Council was a difficult one, resulting eventually in him earning the unenviable record of being the only Secretary-General to have been denied a second term in office. Boutros-Ghali bluntly condemned the double standards of the powerful Western members of the Council—the Permanent Three (P3) of the US, Britain, and France—in selectively authorizing UN interventions in “rich men’s wars” in Europe while ignoring Africa’s “orphan conflicts.” The Council’s powerful members ignored many of his ambitious ideas, preferring instead to retain tight control of decision-making on UN peacekeeping missions. Boutros-Ghali worked with the Security Council to establish peacekeeping missions in Bosnia, Cambodia, Haiti, Rwanda, and Somalia.


1950 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-360

The primary difficulty in the current question of the representation of Member States in die United Nations is that this question of representation has been linked up with the question of recognition by Member Governments.It will be shown here that this linkage is unfortunate from the practical standpoint, and wrong from the standpoint of legal theory.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leonard F. Hutabarat

<p align="justify">As peacekeeping has evolved to encompass a broader humanitarian approach, women personels have become increasingly part of the peacekeeping family. The UN has called for more deployment of female peacekeepers to enhance the overall “holistic” approach to current UN peacekeeping operations. There is clearly more work to be done to integrate more female peacekeepers into UN missions. More skilled and trained female peacekeepers can only be an asset to future peacekeeping operations. In October 2000, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. The resolution was hailed as a landmark resolution in that for the first time, the Security Council recognised the contribution women make during and post-conflict. Since the adoption of Resolution 1325, attention to gender perspectives within the international peace agenda has ¬firmly been placed within the broader peace and security framework. This article explains the development of Indonesian female peacekeepers contribution in the period of 2009-20016 and argues why Indonesia needs to support and to consider deploying more female peacekeepers in UN peacekeeping operations.</p>


2010 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edith Drieskens

AbstractZooming in on the serving European Union (EU) Member States and exploring the legal parameters defining regional actorness both directly and indirectly, this article analyzes the EU's representation at the United Nations (UN) Security Council. Looking at the theory and practice behind Articles 52, 23 and 103 of the UN Charter, we shed fresh light on the only provision in the European Treaties that explicitly referred to the UN Security Council, i.e. the former Article 19 of the EU Treaty. We define that provision as a regional interpretation of Article 103 of the UN Charter and discuss its implementation in day-to-day decision-making, especially as for economic and financial sanctions measures. Hereby, we focus on the negotiations leading to UN Security Council Resolution 1822(2008).


Author(s):  
Sabine von Schorlemer

Intentional destruction of cultural heritage by extremist non-State actors—be it by the Taliban in Afghanistan, the Islamic State (ISIS or ISIL) in Syria, Iraq, and Libya, or Boko Haram in Nigeria—is on the rise. Using the destruction of cultural heritage in Mali in 2012–13 as a case study, this chapter argues that the creation of the self-proclaimed independent State of ‘Azawad’ in Mali became a ‘test case’ for the United Nations’ will and capacity to prevent further destruction of world cultural heritage, and it also analyzes the legal foundation of the 2013 French military Operation Serval in Mali. It also discusses the responsibility to protect as applied to cultural heritage, evaluates the subsequent deployment of the United Nations MINUSMA, and evaluates the mandate given by UN Security Council Resolution 2100 (2013), the first in UN history that included comprehensive protection of cultural and historical sites as a task of a UN peacekeeping operation. Therefore, the chapter reviews critically not only the mandate of MINUSMA, but also its potential relevance concerning future culture-embedded UN peace missions, and also contributes to the debate of the usefulness of more ‘robust’ cultural protection action by the United Nations.


Author(s):  
Haidi Willmot ◽  
Ralph Mamiya

This chapter focuses on the conception and evolution of the UN Security Council mandate to protect civilians during peacekeeping operations from 1960 to the present. The chapter examines the normative and legal framework of the use of force to protect civilians in UN peacekeeping operations, with reference to Security Council resolutions and other bodies of international law such as humanitarian and human rights law. It considers Security Council practice between 1960 and 1999 and its emphasis on the concept of self-defence; Security Council practice from 1999 to 2007 regarding the inception and development of the explicit ‘protection of civilians’ mandate by the Council; Security Council practice from 2007 to 2011; and prioritization of the mandate in certain peacekeeping missions, specifically UNAMID (Sudan (Darfur)), MONUC (Democratic Republic of the Congo), UNOCI (Côte d’Ivoire), and UNMISS (South Sudan). Finally, the chapter describes Security Council practice from 2011 onwards and draws conclusions on impact that the protection of civilians mandate in peacekeeping operations has had on the evolution of the legitimate use of force under the UN Charter.


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