Governed and ungoverned integration in the Mexico–US border region

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-40
Author(s):  
James Gerber
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Institutional Environment ◽  
Common Pool Resources ◽  
The United States ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
International Public Goods ◽  
The Us ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
Us Cities

English abstract: US cities and towns on the border with Mexico tend to have below-average incomes, while Mexican border cities and towns tend to be above the average of Mexico. Social scientists have not explained these differences from national averages in a convincing way. Nor have they described the characteristics of border cities and towns in ways that differentiate them from cities and towns in the interiors of their respective nation. The key to both puzzles is the fact that the institutional environment in the US–Mexico border region is binational in origin. Mexican institutions create externalities in the United States and vice versa. Recognition of this fact is a first step in dealing with the international public goods and common pool resources of the border region.Spanish abstract: Ciudades y pueblos a ambos lados de la frontera México–EE. UU. comparten características que las hacen diferentes de las comunidades en el interior de sus respectivas naciones. Por ejemplo, las diferencias de ingresos transfronterizos son más pequeñas que las diferencias nacionales y cada lado está fuertemente influenciado por políticas y eventos que se originan en el otro lado. Hay tres razones principales para estos efectos: proximidad, redes y externalidades. Este ensayo utiliza la perspectiva de economía institucional para argumentar que el ambiente institucional de las ciudades y pueblos fronterizos es binacional. El reconocimiento de este hecho es un primer paso en la gestión de los bienes públicos internacionales y los recursos comunes de la región fronteriza.French abstract: Villes et villages des deux côtés de la frontière américano-mexicaine partagent des caractéristiques qui les différencient des communautés à l’intérieur de leurs nations respectives. Par exemple, les écarts de revenu de part et d’autre de la frontière sont plus réduits que les différences nationales, et chaque côté est fortement influencé par les politiques et les événements qui proviennent de l’autre côté. Trois raisons principales expliquent ces effets : la proximité, les réseaux et les externalités. Cet essai utilise la perspective de l’économie institutionnelle et soutient que l’environnement institutionnel des villes frontalières est binational. Cette reconnaissance est une première étape pour la gestion des biens publics internationaux et des ressources communes de la région frontalière.

Late 19th-Century Periodical Print Culture in the US–Mexico Border Region

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donna M. Kabalen de Bichara
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Print Culture ◽  
The United States ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Late 19Th Century ◽  
Nuevo Leon ◽  
The Us ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
Us Mexico Border

Hundreds of 19th-century newspapers and magazines published in the region of the US–Mexico border are housed in archival collections in Mexico and the United States, and they provide access to historical, cultural, and ideological perspectives involving two world spheres that are intimately connected. Archival collections in the following databases provide access to periodicals published in the United States as well as in Mexico: the Newspaper and Periodicals Collection at the National Autonomous University of Mexico; the Readex Collection of Hispanic American Newspapers, 1808–1980; the Nettie Lee Benson Library’s microfilmed collection of 19th-century independent newspapers; the digital collection of periodicals and magazines from the Capilla Alfonsina Biblioteca Universitaria and the Biblioteca Universitaria Raúl Rangel Frias, at the Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León; and the EBSCO Arte Público Hispanic Historical Collections, Series 1 and 2. These collections house digitized and microfilmed newspapers that include those published in the US states of California, Arizona, Nevada, New Mexico, and Texas, as well as Mexican states such as Baja California, Sonora, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo León, and Tamaulipas. The region includes areas that share not only a physical border but also a cultural memory based on the effects of historical collisions that have contributed to the formation of new meanings regarding these world spheres that can be understood as two intersecting semiotic systems that exist as a continuum. The intersection of these spaces represents the transnational aspect of periodical print culture of the late 19th century that communicates worldviews that are semiotically and ideologically heterogeneous. Indeed, cultural spaces that exist in the borderland (or that symbolic space that forms a border or frontier in a cultural sense), are semiotic realities that unfold in unpredictable and indeterminate ways as a result of historical processes. Periodical print culture produced in the border region provides access to diverse social, cultural, political, and religious perspectives. Furthermore, the history of print culture involves a process of communication of both social and cultural history. As objects of study, borderland newspapers ultimately provide the basis for understanding the circulation of ideas.

scholarly journals Cervical cancer incidence in the United States in the US-Mexico border region, 1998-2003

Cancer ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 113 (S10) ◽  
pp. 2964-2973 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven S. Coughlin ◽  
Thomas B. Richards ◽  
Kiumarss Nasseri ◽  
Nancy S. Weiss ◽  
Charles L. Wiggins ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cervical Cancer ◽  
Cancer Incidence ◽  
The United States ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Cervical Cancer Incidence ◽  
The Us ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
Us Mexico Border

scholarly journals The COVID-19 Pandemic and Antibiotic Use on the United States–Mexico Border

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (S1) ◽  
pp. s47-s48
Author(s):  
Sana Khan ◽  
Katherine Ellingson ◽  
Gemma Parra ◽  
Juan Villanueva ◽  
Carlos Garrido
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Antibiotic Use ◽  
The United States ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Unique Region ◽  
The Us ◽  
Seeking Behavior ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
United States Mexico ◽  
Us Mexico Border

Background: The US–Mexico border represents a unique region of the country where antibiotics are more accessible and nonprescription treatment with antibiotics is deeply enculturated. Currently, both the United States and Mexico are experiencing widespread community transmission of SARS-CoV-2, which may have implications for antibiotic seeking and use. The objective of this study was to examine antibiotic seeking behavior as it relates to COVID-19 in the border region relative to the greater US and Mexico populations. Methods: An interdisciplinary team at The University of Arizona developed a survey to assess knowledge, attitudes, and beliefs about antibiotics along the US–Mexico border region (defined as 100 km from the border) and to compare findings from the border region to the broader US and Mexico populations. The team recruited survey participants through Amazon’s MTurk survey platform and through the distribution of recruitment flyers to community partners in Arizona and Mexico border regions from October 2020 to January 2021. Targeted recruitment was 750 through March 2021. We report here on findings from the first round of recruitment (n = 116). These participants were asked whether they had sought out antibiotics specifically as a treatment for COVID-19, as well as their general beliefs and behaviors on self-seeking antibiotics for illness. Results: As of January 24, 2021, we surveyed 116 participants: 82 (70.7%) from the United States and 34 (29.3%) from Mexico. Most participants (71.2%) were aged 25–44 years; 56.9% were male; and 50% reported Hispanic ethnicity. Of these, 13.8% lived within 100 km of the US–Mexico border. Overall, 21.6% of participants reported taking antibiotics to fight COVID-19–like illness. Of these participants, 28% obtained the antibiotics directly from a pharmacy, without a physician prescription, and 16% obtained them from an online vendor. Additionally, 33% of US respondents reported that they would be willing to travel to Mexico to obtain antibiotics if they were too difficult to obtain in the United States. Of these respondents, 55% said they would be willing to travel for >1 hour to obtain antibiotics. Conclusions: Preliminary data suggest that the COVID-19 pandemic will have widespread ramifications on antibiotic seeking behavior and could propagate antibiotic resistance. Targeted intervention strategies in the border region are necessary to mitigate the unique factors that contribute to antibiotic use in this area.Funding: NoDisclosures: None

Concrete Biodeterioration in the U.S.-Mexico Border Region

2010 ◽  
Vol 1278 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. E. Rendon ◽  
M. E. Lara ◽  
S. K. Rendon ◽  
M. Rendon ◽  
X. Li
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Arid Region ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Groundwater Resources ◽  
The United States ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Hardened Concrete ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Sewage Systems

AbstractConcrete biodeterioration is defined as the damage that the products of microorganism metabolism, in particular sulfuric acid, do to hardened concrete. In Canada and in the northern part of the United States, sewer failures from concrete biodeterioration are almost unknown. In the southern part of the United States and in Mexico, however, it is a serious and expensive problem in sewage collection systems, which rapidly deteriorate. Also, leaking sewage systems result in the loss of groundwater resources particularly important in this arid region. Almost every city in the Mexican-American border region, who's combined population is more than 15 million people, faces this problem. The U.S. cities have made some provision to face these infrastructure problems, but the Mexican cities have made less effort. We recommend here the Mexican norm (NMX-C-414-ONNCCE-2004) [1] to be reviewed, or at least that a warning be issued as a key measure to avoid concrete biodeterioration.

scholarly journals Predictors of Neurocognitive Impairment in Spanish-Speaking Latinos Living with HIV in the United States using Newly Developed Neuropsychological Test Norms

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (7) ◽  
pp. 1257-1257
Author(s):  
M A Hussain ◽  
L Kamalyan ◽  
M M Diaz ◽  
A Umlauf ◽  
D R Franklin ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Neuropsychological Test ◽  
The United States ◽  
Neurocognitive Impairment ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Hiv Disease ◽  
Spanish Speaking ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
Living With Hiv

Abstract Objective HIV-associated neurocognitive impairment (NCI) is prevalent and impactful. Yet, there is an absence of published studies that investigate its correlates among Spanish-speaking Latinos living in mainland US- a demographic that represents a large and vulnerable segment of the HIV+ population. The goal of the current study was to examine predictors of NCI among Spanish-speaking Latinos with HIV living in the United States. Participants and Method 153 Spanish-speaking Latinos living with HIV from the US-Mexico border region (Age: M = 38.2, SD = 9.7; Education: M = 10.9, SD = 3.6; 73% female; 56% AIDS) completed comprehensive neuropsychological, neuromedical, and psychiatric evaluations in Spanish. Scores across 7 cognitive domains were converted to a Global Deficit Score (GDS) based on T-scores on individual tests using newly developed, region specific, and demographically-corrected norms for Spanish-speaking Latinos. NCI was determined using cutoff of GDS > 0.5 (39.2% of sample). Examined predictors included HIV disease characteristics (e.g., AIDS status, current CD4 count, duration of antiretroviral therapy (ART) exposure) and psychiatric comorbidities. Results A multivariable logistic regression - including predictors that were associated with NCI in univariable analyses - showed a significant interaction between lifetime history of substance use disorder (LT SUD) and duration of ART exposure, after accounting for AIDS status (LR Chi2 = 3.99, p = 0.046). Stratified analyses showed that among participants who did not have LT SUD, longer ART exposure was associated with decreased NCI (p = 0.01), while rates of NCI among those with LT SUD were not influenced by months of ART exposure (p = 0.91). Conclusions Present findings showed that HIV disease burden and psychiatric characteristics might interact to impact NCI among Spanish-speaking Latinos. Considering these influences may help in the provision of comprehensive care to Spanish-speaking, Latino minority groups that suffer from NCI and HIV.

scholarly journals Neurocognitive Impairment in Spanish-Speaking Latinos Living with Human Immunodeficiency Virus in the United States: Validation of Neuropsychological Tests Norms

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (7) ◽  
pp. 1259-1259
Author(s):  
L Kamalyan ◽  
M A Hussain ◽  
M M Diaz ◽  
A Umlauf ◽  
D R Franklin ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Neuropsychological Test ◽  
The United States ◽  
Neurocognitive Impairment ◽  
Spanish Speakers ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Spanish Speaking ◽  
Speed Of Information Processing ◽  
Increased Risk ◽  
The Us ◽  
Mexico Border

Abstract Objective Latinos in the US are at increased risk for HIV-associated neurocognitive impairment (NCI). Yet, most studies in this group have included English-speakers only. We investigated the rate and pattern of HIV-associated NCI in Spanish-speaking Latinos from the US-Mexico border region by utilizing newly developed norms for this group, and compared it to previously published norms for English-speaking non-Latino Whites and Blacks/African Americans. Participants and Method Participants included 153 HIV+ Spanish-speaking Latinos (Age: M = 38.2, SD = 9.7; Education: M = 10.9, SD = 3.6; 27% female; 56% AIDS) living in the greater San Diego area. Participants completed comprehensive neuropsychological, neuromedical and psychiatric assessments in Spanish. The neuropsychological test battery employed in this study - and used extensively in prior studies of HIV- assesses seven ability domains. Raw test scores were converted to demographically-adjusted T-scores using regional norms for Spanish-speakers, and for non-Latino Whites and Blacks. NCI was defined per established criteria. Results Rate of global NCI was 39% using norms for Spanish-speaking Latinos, compared to 64% with White norms and 18% with Black norms. Using norms for Spanish speakers, domain specific NCI among those impaired was highest in executive function (68%), speed of information processing (65%), learning (51%), and working memory (50%). The pattern of HIV associated NCI varied when norms developed for non-Latino Whites and Blacks were used. Conclusions HIV+ Spanish speakers showed similar rates of global NCI to those in other HIV+ populations, when norms developed for this group were used. In contrast, use of non-Latino White and Black norms resulted in misclassification of impairment. The pattern of NCI differed based on the norms used. Present findings highlight the importance of utilizing norms developed for Spanish-speakers in the US in order to obtain more precise and valid depictions of cognition in this population.

Sovereignty, citizenship and educating refugees in the United States

2020 ◽  
pp. 147490412096642
Author(s):  
Jill Koyama
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Schools ◽  
Public Education ◽  
English Language ◽  
Language Education ◽  
The United States ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Refugee Students ◽  
Proposition 203 ◽  
Mexico Border

Public education in the United States acts as a governmental tool of neoliberalism, through which state power and sovereignty are deployed and transformed in daily life. Here, I examine how the divergence of sovereignty is exerted over refugee students and their families in US public education. Drawing on 42 months of ethnographic data collected on refugee and other immigrant networks in Southern Arizona, a US–Mexico border region marked by increasing anti-immigrant policies and practices, I reveal how the everyday practices and policies of one school district reflect and reinforce the government’s control over refugee students. I argue that the ways in which the students are sorted, marginalized, and denied opportunities as learners is inextricable from their positioning as non-citizens by the federal and state governments. Specifically, I demonstrate the linkages between the federal education policy, Every School Succeeds Act, Arizona State’s Proposition 203: English Language Education for the Children in Public Schools, which eliminated bilingual education, and the school district’s approach to teaching refugee students. Finally, I offer recommendations for creating more inclusive, assets-based learning environments for refugee students that push back against the neoliberal favoring of competition and one-size-fits-all solutions in public education.

scholarly journals Introduction

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 391-405
Author(s):  
Nathan K. Hensley
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Homeland Security ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Standards ◽  
Legal Guardian ◽  
Department Of Homeland Security ◽  
The Us ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
Customs And Border Protection ◽  
Physical Custody

“We saw no issues,” reports the Department of Homeland Security in a self-study of its practices for detaining children at the US–Mexico border, “except one unsanitary bathroom.” The system is working as it should; all is well. “CBP [Customs and Border Protection] facilities we visited,” the report summarizes, “appeared to be operating in compliance with the 2015 National Standards on Transport, Escort, Detention, and Search.” A footnote on page 2 of the September 2018 document defines the prisoners at these facilities, the “unaccompanied alien children,” as “aliens under the age of eighteen with no lawful immigration status in the United States and without a parent or legal guardian in the United States ‘available’ to care and [provide] physical custody for them.” Available is in scare quotes. This tic of punctuation discloses to us that the parents of these children have been arrested and removed. They are not available, and cannot take physical custody of their children, because they themselves are in physical custody. In a further typographical error, the word “provide” has been omitted: the children are without a parent or legal guardian in the United States “available” to care and physical custody for them. The dropped word turns “physical custody” into a verb and sets this new action, to physical custody, in tense relation to “care.”

The 2,000 Mile Wall in Search of a Purpose: Since 2007 Visa Overstays have Outnumbered Undocumented Border Crossers by a Half Million

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Warren ◽  
Donald Kerwin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Homeland Security ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The United States ◽  
Immigration Enforcement ◽  
Border Patrol ◽  
The Us ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
Border Crossers ◽  
Us Mexico Border

The Trump administration has made the construction of an “impregnable” 2,000-mile wall across the length of the US-Mexico border a centerpiece of its executive orders on immigration and its broader immigration enforcement strategy. This initiative has been broadly criticized based on: Escalating cost projections: an internal Department of Homeland Security (DHS) study recently set the cost at $21.6 billion over three and a half years; Its necessity given the many other enforcement tools — video surveillance, drones, ground sensors, and radar technologies — and Border Patrol personnel, that cover the US-Mexico border: former DHS Secretary Michael Chertoff and other experts have argued that a wall does not add enforcement value except in heavy crossing areas near towns, highways, or other “vanishing points” (Kerwin 2016); Its cost-effectiveness given diminished Border Patrol apprehensions (to roughly one-fourth the level of historic highs) and reduced illegal entries (to roughly one-tenth the 2005 level according to an internal DHS study) (Martinez 2016); Its efficacy as an enforcement tool: between FY 2010 and FY 2015, the current 654-mile pedestrian wall was breached 9,287 times (GAO 2017, 22); Its inability to meet the administration’s goal of securing “operational control” of the border, defined as “the prevention of all unlawful entries to the United States” (White House 2017); Its deleterious impact on bi-national border communities, the environment, and property rights (Heyman 2013); and Opportunity costs in the form of foregone investments in addressing the conditions that drive large-scale migration, as well as in more effective national security and immigration enforcement strategies. The Center for Migration Studies (CMS) has reported on the dramatic decline in the US undocumented population between 2008 and 2014 (Warren 2016). In addition, a growing percentage of border crossers in recent years have originated in the Northern Triangle states of Central America (CBP 2016). These migrants are fleeing pervasive violence, persecution, and poverty, and a large number do not seek to evade arrest, but present themselves to border officials and request political asylum. Many are de facto refugees, not illegal border crossers. This report speaks to another reason to question the necessity and value of a 2,000-mile wall: It does not reflect the reality of how the large majority of persons now become undocumented. It finds that two-thirds of those who arrived in 2014 did not illegally cross a border, but were admitted (after screening) on non-immigrant (temporary) visas, and then overstayed their period of admission or otherwise violated the terms of their visas. Moreover, this trend in increasing percentages of visa overstays will likely continue into the foreseeable future. The report presents information about the mode of arrival of the undocumented population that resided in the United States in 2014. To simplify the presentation, it divides the 2014 population into two groups: overstays and entries without inspection (EWIs). The term overstay, as used in this paper, refers to undocumented residents who entered the United States with valid temporary visas and subsequently established residence without authorization. The term EWI refers to undocumented residents who entered without proper immigration documents across the southern border. The estimates are based primarily on detailed estimates of the undocumented population in 2014 compiled by CMS and estimates of overstays for 2015 derived by DHS. Major findings include the following: In 2014, about 4.5 million US residents, or 42 percent of the total undocumented population, were overstays. Overstays accounted for about two-thirds (66 percent) of those who arrived (i.e., joined the undocumented population) in 2014. Overstays have exceeded EWIs every year since 2007, and 600,000 more overstays than EWIs have arrived since 2007. Mexico is the leading country for both overstays and EWIs; about one- third of undocumented arrivals from Mexico in 2014 were overstays. California has the largest number of overstays (890,000), followed by New York (520,000), Texas (475,000), and Florida (435,000). Two states had 47 percent of the 6.4 million EWIs in 2014: California (1.7 million) and Texas (1.3 million). The percentage of overstays varies widely by state: more than two-thirds of the undocumented who live in Hawaii, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Pennsylvania are overstays. By contrast, the undocumented population in Kansas, Arkansas, and New Mexico consists of fewer than 25 percent overstays.  

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