scholarly journals Pak-US Relations and Indian Factor

2020 ◽  
Vol III (I) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Asma Batool

The South Asian region has always been a place of major concern for United States due to its strategic location; inter linked conflicts, threat of nuclear proliferation and tenacity of security threats such as terrorism. The region is hub of many conflicts and violence due to Pakistan-India's historical rivalry, terrorism and sectarian divisions. Security of the Pakistan has been unstable and highly based on proxy wars and involvement of Non-state actors. US has taken the responsibility to contribute in peace process of Pakistan-India conflicts to bring stability to the region but did not succeed. The Indian factor has always been primary for Pakistan while conducting relations with America. US tilt towards India has been significant since 2010 when strategic partnership between two initiated. After Trump came into power the US tilt towards India increased. To counter this US-Indo duo and maintain the balance in the region Pakistan has strengthened ties with Russia and China and also focusing on making adjustment in its nuclear doctrine to maintain its deterrence against the historical regional rival India.

2014 ◽  
Vol 112 (751) ◽  
pp. 137-143
Author(s):  
Michael J. Boyle

Particularly in Afghanistan and Pakistan, drones have stirred up new levels of hostility against the United States and endangered the stability and cooperation of the local governments, with potential long-term consequences for the stability of the South Asian region.


Author(s):  
Asifa Jahangir ◽  
Furqan Khan

The Indo-US strategic bonding is shifting the security dynamics of the South Asian balance-of-power in Indian favour. From the signing of 123 US-India Nuclear Deal to the facilitation in becoming a member of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), the US has clearly designated India as an instrumental element in the American grand strategy of devising a ‘new world order’. As a result, India has grabbed the opportunity of alleviating its status as a credible regional and global power. In this regard, the US tilt towards India is significantly paving grounds for a strategic imbalance in the South Asian region, thus creating challenges for Pakistan. Therefore, this paper argues that the growing bonhomie between the US and India is a destabilizing factor in the region which reinforces Pakistan’s fast falling into the Chinese orbit; thereby cementing the old friendship into a new strategic partnership. This dynamic certainly gives China and Pakistan an incentive to work together so as to keep the value of Pakistan’s nuclear deterrence alive. In an effort to expand the horizon on the subject, the paper is dedicated to critically examine the existing cooperation between India and the US while equally foreseeing the possible implications for the region in the face of such destabilizing cooperation. More importantly, based on qualitative data, this paper explores how Indo-US strategic partnership is directly impacting Pakistan and its strategic partnership with China; thereby explaining how the growing relationship between the US and India has undermined the traditional balance-of-power in the South Asian region?


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahul Nath Choudhury

PurposeThe technological progress has made it possible to transform a physical good into a digital one. This development has influenced international trade and a large volume of these digitisable items are increasingly crossing national boundaries. Goods like books, music and games which were earlier traded physically are now traded online. Digitalisation is reducing the cost of engaging in international trade, connecting businesses and consumers globally, helping to diffuse ideas and technologies and facilitating the coordination of global value chains. The emerging avenues of trade and its format supplemented with fast and ever-changing technology have posed a serious challenge for the policymakers around the world. Policymakers are grappling with several issues regarding digital trade for quite a long time but failed to provide any solution. Institutions like WTO and OECD are also seized with this matter. Yet, we do not have any correct assessment of the potential volume of digital trade. Second, due to the moratorium signed in WTO countries are unable to impose any duty of digital trade. South Asian region which is a net importer of these items loses a huge amount of revenue. Hence, in this study, we make an attempt to assess the potential volume of digital trade in South Asia. The study further tries to estimate the possible loss of tax revenue incurred by this region during the last decade. For both South Asia and India the results for actual import figure are found to be less than the estimated value. A gap of around US$1 billion was found between the actual and estimated import of India, while for South Asia it was the US$ 7 billion.Design/methodology/approachFor estimation, the study largely follows Banga (2019) and extends the methodology further to estimate the tariff revenue loss. Following Banga (2019) the study identifies a list of goods that can be traded in both digitally or physically. In other words, a list of digitisable goods is prepared. Then their import by the South Asian region is measured. Then we examine the tariffs imposed by the individual South Asian countries on the physical trade of these items. The estimation is done by projecting the value of the global physical imports of digitisable products from 2011 to 2017 would have been without digitalisation and what the actual global imports are with digitalisation in this period. The difference between the two gives estimates of total digital imports by the region. The total physical imports of digitisable products in the period 2011–2017 are estimated applying the cumulative growth rate (CAGR) of regional imports of these products over the period 1998–2010. The difference between the estimated physical imports and the actual physical imports provides the estimates of digital imports. Finally, the summation of the tariffs for each of the items gives us the possible figure that the countries are losing by not imposing customs duties.FindingsThe study finds globally an estimated value of digitise items to be US$246 billion which is around the US$100 billion higher than the actual value of $147 billion during 2017. For both South Asian region and India estimated import is found to be higher than the actual value. The study estimated an import of $1 billion and $7 billion took place during 2017 in India and South Asia respectively.Originality/valueDigital trade is undoubtedly one of the highest debated topics in international trade forums. Experts from both academic and corporate discourse are seized with this matter. Policymakers around the globe are poised with this issue to develop a comprehensive policy framework which facilitates the growth of the sector and at the same time safeguard the interest of the stakeholders. South Asian nations like India, Bangladesh and Pakistan are also grappling with this. In this background, it becomes utmost important to estimate the loss that they are incurring to take an informed policy decision.


2019 ◽  
pp. 951-965
Author(s):  
Michael D'Rosario ◽  
Aaron Busary ◽  
Kairav Raval

The chapter will extend upon the extant literature by considering the permissibility of crowdfunding practices within the South Asian region. There is a genuine dearth of research considering these matters, with little research considering the history and permissibility of crowdfunding methodologies within the noted nations. As such the contribution of the chapter is twofold, firstly it represents amongst the first coherent assessments of the use of crowdsourcing based fundraising methodologies within the South Asian region. Secondly it responds to the dearth of research considering the legal permissibility of such practices within the noted nations, while also contrasting the regulatory models of India, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka with the regulatory models evidenced within selected OECD countries and pertinently the recently reformed model of regulation within the United States, specifically chapter 12 of the Jobs Act (2013).


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Namra Naseer, Dr. Azhar Ahmad

China and Pakistan are frequently touted as “strategic partners” based on the historic journey that has fused both states in a resilient partnership. The bilateral relationship is multisectoral based on diplomatic, defence and socio-economic cooperation. If focus of the bilateral ties is to be pinpointed, it would be defence and security cooperation that has been the defining factor of the relationship. However, the equation transformed with the transformation in the geopolitical context of the South Asian region post-2011. Pakistan signed a major economic venture with China; the China Pakistan Economic Corridor besides opening up to Russia as well. After the launch of CPEC in 2015, the defence centric bilateral relationship between Pakistan and China changed into a mega economic partnership. The paper has attempted to understand this transformation between the two countries and make a case for “strategic interdependence” rather than strategic partnership. Since, interdependence takes a deeper meaning than partnership.


Crowdsourcing ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 914-928
Author(s):  
Michael D'Rosario ◽  
Aaron Busary ◽  
Kairav Raval

The chapter will extend upon the extant literature by considering the permissibility of crowdfunding practices within the South Asian region. There is a genuine dearth of research considering these matters, with little research considering the history and permissibility of crowdfunding methodologies within the noted nations. As such the contribution of the chapter is twofold, firstly it represents amongst the first coherent assessments of the use of crowdsourcing based fundraising methodologies within the South Asian region. Secondly it responds to the dearth of research considering the legal permissibility of such practices within the noted nations, while also contrasting the regulatory models of India, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka with the regulatory models evidenced within selected OECD countries and pertinently the recently reformed model of regulation within the United States, specifically chapter 12 of the Jobs Act (2013).


Author(s):  
Michael D'Rosario ◽  
Aaron Busary ◽  
Kairav Raval

The chapter will extend upon the extant literature by considering the permissibility of crowdfunding practices within the South Asian region. There is a genuine dearth of research considering these matters, with little research considering the history and permissibility of crowdfunding methodologies within the noted nations. As such the contribution of the chapter is twofold, firstly it represents amongst the first coherent assessments of the use of crowdsourcing based fundraising methodologies within the South Asian region. Secondly it responds to the dearth of research considering the legal permissibility of such practices within the noted nations, while also contrasting the regulatory models of India, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka with the regulatory models evidenced within selected OECD countries and pertinently the recently reformed model of regulation within the United States, specifically chapter 12 of the Jobs Act (2013).


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 285-293
Author(s):  
Iftikhar Ahmad Yousafzai ◽  
A. Z. Hilali

The United States adopted a policy of de-hyphenation in its relations with India and Pakistan in the post-09/11 period which continued to be operational in the period 2005-2015. This policy apparently meant that the United States would deal each of the two South Asian adversaries, India and Pakistan. The main reason for this phenomenon was that the policy-makers in the US saw India as a heavy-weight to counter the rising economic, political and military power of China in Asia. Pakistan could not be fitted in this strategic calculus. The United States changed its previous position on Kashmir and instead of calling for resolving this issue according to the United Nations resolutions, it stressed on bilateral negotiations. Similarly, the United States endorsed Indian stance that Pakistan was backing terrorist outfits that perpetrated acts of terrorism in India. Strategic partnership between The US and India extended cooperation in civil nuclear technology, missile defense, space technology and defense production. No such cooperation could be extended to Pakistan. Permanent membership in the UN Security Council for India was endorsed despite Pakistan’s objections.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110211
Author(s):  
Zafar Khan

This article primarily focuses on how the increasing US–China competing strategies in Asia-Pacific affect the policies of South Asian rivals India and Pakistan when, on the one hand, the US as part of its offshore balancing grand strategy has been increasing its strategic partnership with India through the transfer of emerging technologies in terms of military modernization process, and on the other hand, China and Pakistan have improved their geo-economic and geostrategic partnership as part of the Chinese grand strategy via the Belt and Road Initiative while enabling Pakistan to produce effective countermeasures against its potential adversary. The article presumes that, in doing so, such competing strategies frame a quadrangle setting comprising of US and India to deter and contain China on the one hand and China and Pakistan to produce countermeasures and try to create a balance to potentially prevent the risk of conflict in South Asia out of such competing strategies at the quadrangle order conceived here. However, in fact, neither the US nor rising China would desire such a possibility of conflict otherwise unintendedly occurring from the intense US–China competing strategies while affecting the policies of the South Asian rivals. The article concludes that the shaping of this quadrangle framework may bring both opportunities and challenges for the South Asian rivals. It also concludes that the more intense the competition between the US and China becomes, the more intense its implications could be on the South Asian rivals, while the reduced tension between China and the US, although unlikely, would have reduced pressure on India and Pakistan relations as well.


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